Pollyanna platform

The Democratic platform boils down to the call for a convention of all the states that will magically end the war and re-unite the nation.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch September 5, 1864:

A Republican view of the platform.
[From the Washington Chronicle, September 1.]

The platform adopted by the so-called Democracy is an admirable attempt at “how not to do it.” It contains not a single expression of opinion upon any question of public policy, except that in a mild and inoffensive manner it takes sides in favor of the Union. This is the purport of the first resolution. The second declares that after four years of failure to restore the Union by war, efforts should be made for a cessation of hostilities with a view to calling a convention of all the States. But suppose the rebels refuse to go into a convention, or, going in, suppose they refuse peace except on terms of final separation? What then? The platform is entirely silent on this point. It neither indicates the terms which should be offered the rebels nor informs the country whether the war should be resumed in the event of the refusal of the rebels to come back into the Union.

* * This forcible, feeble manifesto from Chicago is more remarkable for what it omits than for what it embraces. It contains not one sentiment of approbation or censure upon the financial policy of the Administration during the last three and a half years. It neither condemns nor approves the legislation of Congress upon the subjects of tariff duties, internal revenue laws, bank-note currency, and the national banking system. It is silent even upon emancipation, confiscation and conscription. What are we to infer from this silence? Must we not assume that the Convention approves these measures; that it regards them as settled, and no longer open questions? Of course we must; and if during the campaign any champion of the Chicago nominees shall arraign the party in power on any of these issues, it will be a sufficient answer to refer him to his platform for proof that they are no longer in controversy.

The platform is also remarkable for its entire freedom from all malice and uncharitableness towards traitors and rebels. Not a word of censure for secession in theory or rebellion in practice is permitted to find place in the platform; and all the indignation is directed at the efforts of the Administration to suppress the rebellion. In a word, the veriest rebel may read the platform without taking offence, while no truly loyal man can fail to be disgusted with its manifest truckling to the disloyal elements in the loyal States. Upon the whole, the platform is a pitiful affair, and will be expectorated upon by all sorts of people.

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, Northern Politics During War, Northern Society, The election of 1864 | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

conscientious dilemmas

From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Seven:

TO MRS. GURNEY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 4, 1864.

ELIZA P. GURNEY.

MY ESTEEMED FRIEND:—I have not forgotten probably never shall forget the very impressive occasion when yourself and friends visited me on a Sabbath forenoon two years ago—nor has your kind letter, written nearly a year later, even been for gotten. In all, it has been your purpose to strengthen my reliance on God. I am much indebted to the good Christian people of the country for their constant prayer and consolations; and to no one of them, more than to yourself. The purposes of the Almighty are perfect, and must prevail, though we erring mortals may fail to accurately perceive them in advance. We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible war long before this; but God knows best, and has ruled otherwise. We shall yet acknowledge His wisdom, and our own error therein. Mean while we must work earnestly in the best light He gives us, trusting that so working still conduces to the great ends He ordains. Surely He intends some great good to follow this mighty convulsion, which no mortal could make, and no mortal could stay.

Your people—the Friends—have had, and are having, a very great trial. On principle, and faith, opposed to both war and oppression, they can only practically oppose oppression by war. For those appealing to me on conscientious grounds, I have done, and shall do, the best I could and can, in my own conscience, under my oath to the law. That you believe this I doubt not, and believing it, I shall still receive, for our country and myself your earnest prayers to our Father in Heaven.

Your sincere friend,

A. LINCOLN.

I was impressed by Mr. Lincoln’s second paragraph, in which he seemed to succinctly state the dilemma of Mrs. Gurney and her people: the Friends opposed both slavery and war, but it seemed that Southerners were never going to willingly free their slaves.

David Herbert Donald put the message’s first paragraph in the context of the president’s own dilemma: he was sensitive to all the suffering of the Union soldiers during General Grant’s 1864 spring offensive. He told a friend he couldn’t bear all the suffering and death as he looked at a long line of ambulances heading to hospital in Washington. He told another friend that he got sick at the sight of blood, but he could tell General Grant to keep choking and chewing the rebel armies.

President Lincoln was not a member of any church but read the Bible, especially the Old Testament, which “reinforced Lincoln’s long-held belief in the doctrine of necessity… The idea that the actions of any individual were predetermined and shaped by the unknowable wishes of some Higher power … Behind all the struggles and losses of the war a Divine purpose was at work” [1]

__________________________________________________

In October 1789 George Washington wrote a letter to Quakers thanking them for their good wishes for his new presidency. He touched on the question of whether the Friends should fight to protect the nation that allowed them to practice their religion as they wished:

…Your principles and conduct are well known to me; and it is doing the people called Quakers no more than justice to say, that (except their declining to share with others the burden of the common defence) there is no denomination among us who are more exemplary and useful citizens.

I assure you very explicitly that in my opinion the conscientious scruples of all men should be treated with great delicacy and tenderness; and it is my wish and desire that the laws may always be as extensively accommodated to them as a due regard to the protection and essential interests of the nation may justify and permit.

________________________________________________________

Centreville, Virginia. Quaker gun (by George N. Barnard, March 1862; LOC:  LC-DIG-cwpb-00942)

Centreville, Virginia. Quaker gun (March 1862)

  1. [1]Donald, David H. Lincoln. London: Jonathan Cape, 1995. Print. pages 513-15.
Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, Lincoln Administration | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

“applause and thanks”

The front page of The New-York Times on September 1, 1864 included eleven brief paragraphs from different all dated August 31st that all explained how Democrats from Buffalo to Boston were celebrating with the firing of cannon, parades, speeches, fireworks, etc. depending on the city. For example:

ALBANY, Wednesday, Aug. 31.

The nomination of MCCLELLAN caused great enthusiasm in this city. A hundred guns were fired at noon, and a hundred more at sunset. This evening a procession preceded by a band of music, and bearing torches and transparencies, is parading the streets. Banners bearing the name of MCCLELLAN, are displayed at different points. Speeches were made from the Capitol steps by Hon. J.V.L. Pruyn and Gen. Vanderpool.

President Lincoln was very concerned about his chances of being re-elected in November, but I’m pretty sure historians say that Union successes at Mobile Bay and Atlanta helped him out. 150 years ago today Mr. Lincoln proclaimed a day of thanksgiving and ordered the firing off of the government’s own guns.

From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Seven:

PROCLAMATION OF THANKSGIVING,
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY, September 3, 1864.

The signal success that Divine Providence has recently vouchsafed to the operations of the United States fleet and army in the harbor of Mobile, and the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan, and the glorious achievements of the army under Major-General Sherman, in the State of Georgia, resulting in the capture of the city of Atlanta, call for devout acknowledgment to the Supreme Being in whose hands are the destinies of nations. It is therefore requested that on next Sunday, in all places of worship in the United States, thanksgivings be offered to Him for His mercy in preserve our national existence against the insurgent rebels who have been waging a cruel war against the Government of the United States for its overthrow, and also that prayer be made for Divine protection to our brave soldiers and their leaders in the field who have so often and so gallantly periled their lives in battling with the enemy, and for blessings and comfort from the Father of mercies to the sick, wounded, and prisoners, and to the orphans and widows of those who have fallen in the service of their country, and that He will continue to uphold the Government of the United States against all the efforts of public enemies and secret foes.

A. LINCOLN.

ORDERS OF GRATITUDE AND REJOICING.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 3, 1864.

The national thanks are tendered by the President to Admiral Farragut and Major-General Canby, for the skill and harmony with which the recent operations in Mobile Harbor and against Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan were planned and carried into execution. Also to Admiral Farragut and Major-General Granger, under whose immediate command they were conducted, and to the gallant commanders on sea and land, and to the sailors and soldiers engaged in the operations, for their energy and courage, which, under the blessing of Providence, have been crowned with brilliant success, and have won for them the applause and thanks of the nation.

A. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 3, 1864.

The national thanks are tendered by the President to Major-General William T. Sherman and the gallant officers and soldiers of his command before Atlanta, for the distinguished ability, courage, and perseverance displayed in the campaign in Georgia, which under Divine power resulted in the capture of the city of Atlanta. The marches, battles, sieges, and other military operations that have signalized this campaign must render it famous in the annals of war, and have entitled those who have participated therein to the applause and thanks of the nation.

A. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 3, 1864.

Ordered: First, That on Monday, the fifth day of September, commencing at the hour of twelve o’clock noon, there shall be given a salute of one hundred guns at the arsenal and navy-yard, at Washington, and on Tuesday, the 6th of September, or on the day after the receipt of this order, at each arsenal and navy-yard in the United States, for the recent brilliant achievements of the fleet and land forces of the United States in the harbor of Mobile, and in the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan. The Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy will issue the necessary directions in their respective departments for the execution of this order.

Second, That on Wednesday, the 7th of September, commencing at the hour of twelve o’clock noon, there shall be fired a salute of one hundred guns at the arsenal at Washington, and at New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Pittsburg, Newport (Ky.), and St. Louis, and New Orleans, Mobile, and Pensacola, Hilton Head, and Newbern, the day after the receipt of this order, for the brilliant achievements of the army under command of Major-General Sherman, in the State of Georgia, and for the capture of Atlanta. The Secretary of War will issue directions for the execution of this order.A. LINCOLN, President Of the United States.

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, Lincoln Administration, Northern Politics During War, Northern Society, The election of 1864 | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

“new thinning out”

September 1864 was another draft month in the North. Here’s some sarcasm, first from a paper in central New York State and then from the Richmond Dispatch as it reported on Ohio Governor John Brough’s warning against draft resistance.

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper in September 1864:

THE QUOTA FULL. – A dispatch from the office of the Provost Marshal at Auburn, states that every town and ward in this district has filled its quota under Lincoln’s call for 500,000 men. Let anxious minds, therefore, be at rest.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch September 2, 1864:

The proclamation of Governor Brough, of Ohio — warning against resisting the draft.

The last draft of Lincoln for five hundred thousand men has created the deepest discontent in Ohio. So manifest is this, that Governor Brough, of that State, has felt it his duty to issue a proclamation, dated “Executive Department of Ohio, Columbus, August 23d,” in which he warns the people against resisting this new thinning out of their homes. The draft is to take place on Monday next, the 5th instant, and in some of the districts in the State there is a deficiency in the quota, and it must be put in operation in those districts. In his proclamation he says:

John Brough (Harper's Weekly 12-26-1863

resistance is futile

The exertion which has been made to discourage and prevent enlistments, if otherwise directed, would have filled the quotas of those localities, or left the deficiencies very light. However unwilling to believe that any considerable portion of the people of this State would array themselves in a spirit of factious, if not treasonable, opposition to the execution of the laws of the land, there are indications of such a spirit in the State, which as Chief Magistrate, I may not disregard. In appealing to the people to discard the counsels of wicked and unprincipled leaders that invite them to factious and forcible resistance to the draft, or any other legal requirement of the Government, I am actuated solely by a desire to preserve, if practicable, the peace of the State and the welfare of the erring portion of our people, and not from any apprehension of either the determination or ability of the Government to maintain the supremacy of its laws. The man who supposes that either the National or State Government is unadvised of, or unprepared for, the threatened emergency, is following the deception of his leaders to consequences of the most serious character. Let me advise you who countenance this insurrection to look carefully at the civil and military penalties you are incurring.

He then cites to them all the pains and penalties ordained by Congress to follow any resistance to the “Government of the United States,” which it is likely the people of Ohio will count as light afflictions, and but for a moment, as compared with the terrible alternative of being sent South to be killed. The following is the conclusion of his proclamation:

If men may take up arms to resist laws, in the policy or effect of which they do not concur, then all government is at an end, and we are resolved into anarchy. This state of things is not to be tolerated. A government may as well perish in a bold and vigorous effort to maintain its integrity as to suffer an insurrection to neutralize and defy its power. …

John Brough.

The image of Governor Brough (at Son of the South) was published in the December 26, 1863 issue of Harper’s Weekly, which noted that he beat leading Copperhead Clement Vallandigham by about 100,000 votes in the gubernatorial election.

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Month, Military Matters, Northern Politics During War, Northern Society | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

“bulldog grip”

General U. S. Grant, City Point, Va., August, 1864 (by Edward Guy Fowx, 1864; LOC: LC-DIG-ppmsca-35236)

General U. S. Grant, City Point, Va., August, 1864

Things are a bit slower up here in the country, especially when you publish a non-daily paper. Here’s a digest of some recent operations on two major fronts.

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper on September 1, 1864:

War News.

Grant still holds the Weldon Railroad. On Thursday last Lee made the fourth attempt to drive him off, but he successfully resisted the attack and holds his position with a determination and power most encouraging for our ultimate success. The fight was severe, hand to hand, and the enemy withdrew from the field after sustaining fearful loss, leaving their dead and wounded behind them. The battle lasted until dark. It is reported by Gen. Hancock to be one of the most desperate battles of the war. Official dispatches from Gen. Grant indicate that Lee has given up the attempt to regain possession of the road, which is in our possession. Our total loss in the fight Thursday will not, it is said, exceed 2,000, while that of the enemy is supposed to be about 5,000.

From Gen. Sherman we have details of Gen. Kilpatrick’s late raid in the vicinity of Atlanta, around which he has made a complete circuit, reaching Decatur with one hundred men, burning a train of supplies foe Atlanta, destroying fourteen miles of the Macon railroad, taking two hundred prisoners, six cannon and four stand of colors. – On his return it appears that he was hard pressed by a large force of the enemy, and was compelled to abandon four of the guns and many of his prisoners.

Some of the details in this report were wrong, especially in wildly overestimating the rebel loss at Reams Station. Nevertheless, that Grant “holds his position with a determination and power most encouraging for our ultimate success” would seem a valid analysis. And it reminded me of a telegram from President Lincoln to his general a couple weeks ago. From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Seven:

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 17, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

I have seen your despatch expressing your unwillingness to break your hold where you are. Neither am I willing. Hold on with a bulldog grip, and chew and choke as much as possible.

A. LINCOLN.

The old bull dog on the right track ( [New York : Currier & Ives], c1864; LOC: LC-USZ62-8826)

chewing and choking

To read what all the speech balloons contained in this Currier & Ives cartoon, just browse over to the Library of Congress

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, Military Matters, Siege of Petersburg | Tagged , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

war and peace horses

150 years ago today the delegates to the Democratic National Convention meeting in Chicago selected General George B. McClellan as their candidate for U.S. president. There was a “scattering” of support for other men, but “Little Mac” won overwhelmingly. Leading Copperhead Clement Vallandigham moved that the general’s nomination be the unanimous sense of the convention. The party balanced its ticket by selecting Peace Democrat George Hunt Pendleton as its nominee for Vice President.

NY Times 9-1-1864

NY Times 9-1-1864

Grand National Democratic banner. Peace! Union! and victory! (New York : Published by Currier & Ives, c1864; LOC:  LC-DIG-ppmsca-17561)

war and peace horses

______________________________________________________
______________________________________________________

On August 20, 1914 The New-York Times reported the death of Pope Pius X earlier that morning. It got my attention when the headline said that his end was “hastened by the European War”. He understood the horrors of the young war by the time he was on his deathbed, but even earlier, on August 2nd, his last official message was to urge Catholics throughout the world to pray for peace.

The war started hot, and novel ways to wage it were introduced early on. Not quite eleven years after the Wright Brothers’ success, a military pilot dropped bombs and propaganda on civilians.

NY Times 8-31-1914

aeroplane attack

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, Northern Politics During War, Northern Society, The election of 1864 | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment

peace as soon as practicable

although, maybe not on the floor of the Democrat convention

On the second day, the Democratic convention in Chicago adopted its platform for the 1864 campaign. The chairman of the convention, New York Governor Horatio Seymour, opened the day with a speech. A proposal to add an explicit States’ Rights plank to the platform was rejected as the reported resolutions were adopted. With the platform agreed upon nominations for the presidential candidate were entertained. After seconding the nomination of Thomas H. Seymour, Maryland Congressman Benjamin Gwinn Harris caused a ruckus by laying into previously nominated George B. McClellan for stomping on the rights of Marylanders while he was active as a Union general.

NY Times 8-31-1864

NY Times 8-31-1864

From The New-York Times August 31, 1864:

THE CHICAGO CONVENTION; No Nomination Made Yesterday. The Platform and How It Was Adopted. A Piece for the Peace Democrats. A SOP FOR THE SOLDIERS. HIGH DUDGEON OF THE PEACE MEN A Furious Speech by Congressman Harris, of Maryland. McClellan Denounced As a Tyrant. He is Nailed to the Wall on Arbitrary Arrests. A STORMY TIME IN PROSPECT.

CHICAGO, Tuesday, Aug. 30.

The National Democratic Convention reassembled at 10 o’clock this morning.

The attendance both inside and outside the Wigwam is even greater than yesterday. …

On taking the Chair, Governor SEYMOUR spoke as follows:

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: I cannot forecasts the resolutions and action of this convention, but I can say that every member of it loves the Union, desires peace, and will uphold constitutional freedom. …

Hon. Horatio Seymour (between 1855 and 1865; LOC: LC-DIG-cwpbh-01842)

Republicans were “animated by intolerance and fanaticism”

Four years ago a convention met in this city, when your country was peaceful, prosperous and united. Its delegates did not mean to destroy our Government, to overwhelm us with debt, or to drench our land with blood; but they were animated by intolerance and fanaticism, and blinded by an ignorance of the spirit of our institutions, the character of our people, and the condition of our land. They thought they might safety indulge their passions and they concluded to do so. They would not heed the warnings of our fathers, and they did not consider that meddling besets strife.

Their passions have wrought out their natural results. They were impelled to spurn all measures of compromise. Step by step they have marched on to results which, at the onset they would have shrunk with horror from; and even now when war has desolated our land, has laid its heavy burdens upon labor, and when bankruptcy and ruin overhang us, they will not have the Union restored except upon conditions unknown to our Constitution.

They will not let the shedding of blood cease even for a little time to see if Christian charity or the wisdom of statesmanship may not work out a method to save our country.

Nay, more than this, they will not listen to a proposal for peace which does not offer that which this Government has no right to [???]. [impose?] …

Gentlemen, I do trust that our proceedings here will be marked by harmony. I do earnestly believe that we shall be animated by the greatness of this occasion. In all probability the future destiny of our country hangs upon our action. Let this consideration inspire us with a spirit of harmony.

God of our fathers, bless us now ; lift us up above all personal considerations; fill us with a just idea of the great responsibilities which rest upon us, and give again to our land its union, its peace and its liberty.

Loud and enthusiastic cheers greeted Gov. SEYMOUR as be concluded his speech.

[At the 4 PM session the platform was adopted and then presidential nominations were accepted.]

Mr. HARRIS, of Maryland, seconded the nomination of THOMAS H. SEYMOUR, and proceeded to eulogize his party services and abilities. Mr. HARRIS continued as follows:

One man nominated here to-day is a tyrant. [Cheers and hisses.] He, it was, who first initiated the policy by which our rights and liberties were stricken down. That man is GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN. [Confusion.] Maryland, which has suffered so much at the hands of that man, will not submit to his nomination in silence. His offences shall be made known. This Convention is a jury appointed by the people to pass upon the merits of the public men whose names may be presented for the support of the great Democratic party. Gen. MCCLELLAN, I repeat, is a tyrant. [Great confusion.] He stood here to indict him.

A DELEGATE — I call him to order.

The President said that he hoped there was no man present who would deny the right of free speech. Certainly no Democrat will. At the same time he hoped that no delegate would feel called upon to pursue a course of remarks so offensive as to interfere with the harmony of the convention.

Mr. HARRIS read MCCLELLAN’s order of arrest against the Maryland Legislature, and proceeded to comment upon the same; but the confusion was so great that the speaker could not be heard, except to say that all the charged of usurpation and tyranny that can be brought against LINCOLN and BUTLER he can make and substantiate against MCCLELLAN.

[Hisses, cheers, and cries of “Vote for JEFF. DAVIS.”] …

The meeting was adjourned for the day as the delegates were still debating the merits of McClellan.

You can read the Democratic platform at the Richmond Daily Dispatch September 3, 1864:

The platform.

At the afternoon session of the Convention, on Tuesday, Mr. Guthrie, from the special committee to prepare resolutions, reported the following platform, which was adopted with only four dissentient voices:

Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we adhere with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution as the only solid foundation of our strength, security and happiness as a people, and as the framework of a government equally conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern.

Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, (during which, under the pretense of military necessity or the war power, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down and the national prosperity of the country essentially impaired,) justice, humanity, liberty and the public welfare, demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities with a view to an ultimate convention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the States.

Resolved, That the direct interference of the military authority of the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the Constitution, and the repetition of such acts in the approaching election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power under our control.

Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired, and they hereby declare that they consider the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers, not granted by the Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in States not in insurrection; the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment, trial and sentence of American citizens, in States where the civil law exists in full force; the suppression of the freedom of speech and of the press; the denial of the right of asylum; the open and avowed disregard of States’ rights; the employment of unusual test oaths, and the interference with, and the denial of, the right of the people to bear arms, as calculated to prevent the restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed.

Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the Administration to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now are, and long have been, prisoners of war in suffering condition, deserves the severest reprobation and scorn alike of the public and common humanity.

Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiers of our army who are, and have been, in the field under the flag of our country, and, in the event of our attaining power, they will receive the care, protection, regard and kindness that the brave soldiers of the Republic have so nobly earned.

I swapped the order of the last two resolutions in keeping with all the other sources.

The September 3, 1864 issue of Harper’s Weekly (at Son of the Southpreviewed the Chicago Convention and let it’s reader know what it thought about a Democratic peace with this image by Thomas Nast:

DEDICATED TO THE CHICAGO CONVENTION.  (Harper's Weekly September 3, 1864 (by Thomas Nast)

peace price

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, Northern Politics During War, Northern Society, The election of 1864 | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

The Democracy (divided) convenes

Shelby Foote said that after President Lincoln wrote his prediction of electoral defeat and pledge of co-operation with the incoming administration, he folded it shut, brought it to a cabinet meeting, and had each of the attendees sign it – without telling them what it contained. However, he thought things would get a bit better after the Democrat Convention in Chicago because

he saw trouble for his opponents once they came out in the open, where he had spent the last four years, a target for whatever mud was flung. The Old Democratic rift, which had made him President in the first place, was even wider than it had been four years ago … The front runner was Major General George B. McClellan, who was expected to attract the soldier vote, although numbers of Democrats were saying that that they would accept no candidate “with the smell of war on his garments.” Either way, as Lincoln saw the outcome, platform and man were likely to be mismatched, … “they must nominate a Peace Democrat on a war platform, or a War Democrat on a peace platform,” he told a friend who left that weekend for the convention in his home state, “and I personally can’t say I care much which they do.” [1]

A Richmond paper’s coverage of the first day of the convention contained a telegram published originally in The New-York Times that seemed to agree with Mr. Lincoln: “The peace men will construct the platform, and then consent to set little “Mac” upon it.”

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch September 3, 1864:

The first day of the Chicago Convention.

The Chicago Convention met on the 29th, and the New York papers of the 30th are full of what was said and done there. We copy such of the preliminary proceedings as are interesting. Governor Seymour, of New York, withdrew his name on the 28th positively, and the New York delegation, then being polled, stood: For McClellan, 53; scattering, 13. Ohio delegation: McClellan, 16; against him, 26. Missouri: McClellan, 13; scattering, 9. Indiana: McClellan, 18; scattering, 6. Illinois: McClellan, 22; scattering, 10. Betting was freely done at four to one that McClellan would be nominated on the first ballot. At 12 o’clock on Monday the Convention was called to order by Auguste Belmont in a short address, in which he said:

Depot of the Ill. Central RR Chicago, Illinois (by Samuel Fisher Corlies, 1863; LOC: LC-DIG-stereo-1s01449)

“Depot of the Ill. Central RR Chicago, Illinois” (1863) (Library of Congress)

The past and the present are sufficient warnings of the disastrous consequences which would befall us if Mr. Lincoln’s re-election should be made possible by our want of patriotism and unity. The inevitable results of such a calamity must be the utter disintegration of our whole political and social system, amid bloodshed and anarchy, with the great problems of liberal progress and self-government jeopardized for generations to come. The American people have at last awakened to the conviction that a change of policy and administration can alone stay our downward course; and they will rush to the support of your candidate and platform, provided you will offer to their suffrages a tried patriot who has proved his devotion to the Union and the Constitution, and provided that you pledge him and ourselves to maintain their hallowed importance by every effort and sacrifice in our power.

He nominated Ex-Governor Bigler, of Pennsylvania, for temporary President, and the nomination was carried. Ex-Governor Bigler, on taking his seat, made what might be called in peace times a “Union” speech, saying a great deal about the North, South, East and West rallying under the Constitution, (what Constitution?) which is of no interest to our readers in the Confederacy. After the appointment of the proper committees, various resolutions were read and referred. Among them was one by Governor Hunt, of New York, for a convention of all the States; one by Mr. Long, of Ohio, asking Lincoln to suspend his draft for 500,000 men until after the Presidential election; one by Mr. Price, of Missouri, pledging all the (United) States to stand by each other if the “rights” of any one are trampled on by Lincoln; and the last one by Mr. Allicks, of Pennsylvania, re-affirming the Monroe doctrine!! The Convention then adjourned till the next day. A telegram from Chicago, in the New York Times, dated the 29th, says:

As yet, little or no difference of opinion is manifested as to the character of the platform. An armistice, a convention of the States, and the adoption of every means consistent with Christianity and civilization to bring about a permanent and honorable peace, seem to be the points generally agreed upon by all the delegations.

The streets and squares about the principal hotels have been filled with immense through all the evening, and at this late hour clubs are marching, bands playing, and large meetings are being held at several points.

The excitement grows more intense as the final action of the Convention is neared.

To-night the committees on resolutions and on organization and rules are in session.

Many of the great lights of the party are here, and the wires are being industriously pulled. Vallandigham is here, and excites as much curiosity as a loosed elephant would in our streets. Crowds follow him wherever he goes — they enter his hotel with him, and are clamorous for a speech. Loyal men are indignant that such an arch traitor is permitted to stalk through our streets, trampling upon the authority of the Government and defying its power.

All shades of the Democracy are here. But it is evident, even now, that the positive men–the Woods and Vallandigham — will control the Convention. The peace men will construct the platform, and then consent to set little “Mac” upon it. I am convinced that he has the inside track, and that he will be nominated by a large majority. I may be mistaken, but such are the indications now.

My old Free Soil Barn-burning friend, Dean Richmond, is on hand. He pleads rather faintly for a vigorous prosecution of the war; but Wood’s voice is in the ascendant now, and Dean will have to take a lower seat.

As to the platform, that has already been foreshadowed. They will resolve for an armistice — just what the rebels want, in their present condition, in order to recruit their armies and fill up their exhausted commissariat. Then they will resolve for a national convention to adjust matters, and here they will stop. They know that no adjustment short of recognition of the independence of the South can take place, and they know that an armistice would be greatly to the advantage of the rebels, and hence they favor it.

Mr. Fillmore’s strength in the Convention will be confined to those States in which there are but few foreigners. In the West his Know-Nothing record of 1856 would ruin him, and it will throw him out of much strength he would otherwise have in the Convention.

There are two delegations from Kentucky, one called the Bramlette delegation, and the other the Powell and Wickliffe delegation. Considerable of a fight is expected in the Convention on the question of the admission of one or the other of these.

The war-horses of the party are already on the ground. Old Sam. Medary and Cox, of Ohio; Guthrie, Robinson, and several others, from Kentucky; Richmond, the Woods, Belmont, McKcon, Seymour, and a host of lesser lights, from New York; Dana, from Maine; J. Glancey Jones, of Pennsylvania; Ex-Governor Campbell, S. R. Peyton and others, of Tennessee, and Rice, of Minnesota. Of course, it is such men who do all the managing — all the wire-working and thimble-rigging for the concern, who are, in fact, the party — the balance of the Convention being merely on hand for show, for ornament, and not for use. At the present writing, I do not anticipate any serious dissentious in the Convention. The leaders have the party too well drilled for that. There may be some sparring, as between lawyers; but I look for nothing more. I may be found to be mistaken when the curtain lifts, but I think not.

Camp Douglas, Chicago, Ill. 1864 (LOC: LC-USZ62-15612)

Copperheads to free captive rebels?

Vallandigham is holding forth to a crowd in the Court-house square. Of course he is constantly cheered, and is evidently the lion of the day, and Fernando Wood is lion No. 2.

There is a feverish anxiety all over the city — especially among the woman. There are so many stories afloat as to the purpose of the Copperheads that it creates much excitement. It is feared that one part of the plot is to release the rebel prisoners in Camp Douglas, in which case all expect the city to be fired and plundered. The authorities have some misgivings, as the wives and families of all the officers have been removed from the camp, and this fact adds to the uneasiness. And then the seizure of arms at Indianapolis, and the general belief that the Irish are armed here, adds not a little to the general concern. Never was a political convention held in this country around which cluster so many omens of evil.

But my opinion still is that there will be no disturbance. The leaders are not prepared for this step yet, at least.

____________________________________________________
____________________________________________________

War and peace; Democrats meet in Chicago; “a feverish anxiety all over the city”; welcome to the 1968 Democrat National Convention

  1. [1]Foote, Shelby. The Civil War, A Narrative. Vol. 3. Red River to Appomattox. New York: Random House, 1986. Print. pages 550-551.
Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, Northern Politics During War, Northern Society, The election of 1864 | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment

worn out

The Democrat National Convention opened in Chicago on August 29, 1864. 150 years ago this month a local Democrat publication found reasons to believe that the Lincoln administration was on the way out.

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper in August 1864:

Weary of the War.

Abraham Lincoln, head-and-shoulders portrait, seated, facing right (by Douglas Volk, 4-24-1922; LOC:  LC-USZ62-130959)

revolutionary

That the People, North and South, are weary of this most unnatural war, is as certain as that day follows the night. The change in public sentiment during the past few weeks is a most hopeful sign of the times. The People desire peace and a restored Union, and this sentiment pervading the masses, will compel, and soon too, an armistice, to be followed, we ardently hope, by an honorable sentiment of our national troubles. The recent letter of the President, fastening a pure abolition plank in the administration platform before peace can be secured, has opened the hitherto sealed eyes of thousands of the people. The failure of Grant’s campaign, and the call for 500,000 additional men has startled the whole land in the falsity of previous promises. The incapacity and perfidy of those who are temporarily at the head of the government, is now comprehended by thousands who have hitherto supported the administration, and these are among the boldest in denouncing the crimes and blunders of the President and his advisers. The zeal of officeholders and of those who depend on government patronage for their bread is of course unabated, and some there are who follow the reigning power no matter wither it tends or who conducts it. But notwithstanding the immense military and civilian power of the administration, there can be no longer a doubt that the vast majority of the people are against it. Neither threats, seductions, personal appeals to a false patriotism can silence the voice of a majority of the people. They desire to see an end to this war, an end to crushing taxation, an end to the high prices of living, and above all an end to an administration as weak as it is wicked, and as despotic as it is bloody and revolutionary.

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Month, Lincoln Administration, Northern Politics During War, Northern Society, The election of 1864 | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

lost and found

Full standing black soldier, rifle with fixed bayonet] (between 1861 and 1865; LOC: LC-DIG-ppmsca-11520)

Union soldier

In the summer of 1863 prisoner exchanges between North and South were stopped, for the most part, because the South would not exchange captured black soldiers.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch August 27, 1864:

Captured negroes.

–Among the captures from the Yankee army on the occasion of the explosion of one of their mines near Petersburg, about six weeks since, were eighty-odd runaway negroes, who were enlisted troops in Burnside’s corps. Soon after their capture they were sent to Danville, Virginia, for confinement, but on Wednesday last they were transferred to Castle Thunder. For the information of persons whose servants have run away the following list is appended:

Two brothers in arms (between 1860 and 1870; LOC:  LC-DIG-ppmsca-13484)

“Two brothers in arms” (LOC)

William, slave of Alexander Gray, Charles co., Md.; Churchill, slave of Miss M. A. Wilson, Annapolis, Md.; Joseph, slave of Alexander Butcher, Baltimore; Luke, slave of Major Pri, Charles co., Md.; George, slave of John G. Perry, St. Mary’s co., Md.; Washington, slave of Robert Young, Charles co., Md.; Lewis, slave of George B. Wilson, Norfolk; Henry, Geo. W. Owen, Dorchester, Md.; John, slave of John Wayland, Howard co., Md.; Charles, slave of Captain Arnold, Colburn, Md.; Frank, slave of Alfred Oden, Pike co., Mo.; John, slave of Jim Leighter, Dorchester, Md.; Sam, slave of Robert Tung, Charles co., Md.; Andrew, slave of William Gordon, Marion co., Mo.; George, slave of John Ronsells, Rowell, Mo.; John, slave of Seth M. Wayland, Worcester, Md.; Ephraim, slave of John Hammond, Howard, Md.; John, slave of Mrs. Ward, Marion, Mo.; Willis, slave of L. Vaughan, Hanover, Va.; Charles, slave of John Ayres, Ronsells, Mo.; Peter, slave of R. L. Gordon, Orange, Va.; Isaac, slave of Dr. Shaw, St. Mary’s, Md.; John, slave of Thos. Deralbis, Frederick, Md.; John, slave of Wm. Boesy, St. George, Md.; Lewis, slave of W. Wedington, Frederick, Md.; George, slave of W. Wall, Prince George, Md.; James, slave of Dr. Pike, Charles co., Md.; Charles, slave of A. L. Finley, Pike co., Mo.; Charles, slave of John Netewell, Kent co., Md.; Benjamin, slave of W. B. Walker, Baton Houge, La.; Robert, slave of Miss Delia Jane Warfit, Baltimore; John, slave of Wm. Roby, Charles co., Md.; Marshall, slave of Robert M. Miller, Jefferson, Ky.; John, slave of Gray Boulware, Caroline, Md.; Francis, slave of C. C. McGruder, Prince George, Md.; Miles, slave of Washington Posey, Charles county, Md.; Peter, slave of — Ross, Wakely, Tenn.; Lewis, slave of John McGran, Hemford, Md.; John, slave of Alex. Dyer, Charles county, Md.; Frank, slave of Dr. Meriwether, Jefferson, Ky.; Ashburn, slave of heirs of William Galt, Queen Anne, Md.; William Bowser, slave of William Peckham, Eastern Shore, Md.; Noble, slave of Miss Leonora Floyd, Charles county, Md.; Elias, slave of Ossian Pendleton, Culpeper, Va.; John, slave of Philip Cox, Brunswick, Va.; George, slave of C. Gardner, Prince George, Va.; Henry, slave of B. Embry, Nashville, Tenn.; George, slave of Joseph Davis, Rockville, Md.; Lloyd, slave of F. McGruder, Prince George, Md.; Yarmouth, slave of Alexander Kilga, Montgomery, Md.; Alfred, slave of John Hill. Richmond, Va.; Orange, slave of James N. Hill, St. Lawrence, Mo.; Frederick, slave of Betsy Bryding, Somerset, Md.; James, slave of John T. Wilson, Mason, Ky.; Thomas, slave of John Loates, Frederick, Md.; Thomas, slave of Mrs. Slocum, Dorchester, Md.; Edward, slave of Alfred Gordon, Charles co., Md.; Amos, slave of Mary A. Bower, Eastern Shore, Md.; Hiram, slave of B. Wyatt, Drew co., Ark.; Jesse, slave of Thos. Anderson, Marion, Mo.; John, slave of Samuel Clark, Kent co., Md.; George, slave of H. Hesth, Anderson dist., S. C.; Solomon, slave of W. Brewer, Montgomery, Md.; Calvin, slave of Abraham Gardner, Southampton, Va.; James, slave of J. F. Chaplain, Port Royal, S. C.; John, slave of George Rausser, Baltimore; Charles, slave of Miss Eva Fields, Prince George, Md.; Sam, slave of J. Green, Baltimore; Isaac, slave of James Connelly, Clarke co., Va.; William, slave of Hugh Delts, Parkersburg, Va.; Abraham, slave of Charles Stewart, Anderson, Md.; Robert, slave of Mrs. Amanda Mathews, Charles co.; Md.; Charles, slave of Mrs. S. B. Jeter, Quinely, Mo.; John, slave of Jacob Calvin, Louisville, Ky.; Samuel, slave of G. Burcher, Louis, Va.; Winston, slave of Stephen Turner, Pike co., Mo.; John, slave of Washburn Rowe, Carrol, Md.; Lewis, slave of J. Roeth, Eastern Shore, Md.; Robert, slave of A. L. Milton, Prince George, Md.; Charles, slave of A. Spead, Fairfax, Va.; Henry Lynch, a free negro.

According to the National Park Service Confederate officials approached Union General Benjamin Butler in the summer of 1864 about resuming prisoner exchanges, including blacks. General Grant was amenable to one-to-one exchanges but did not agree to paroling unexchanged prisoners because he assumed the rebels would rejoin the army while the northern soldiers would stay home.

Castle Thunder, Richmond, Va (LOC: LC-USZ62-15997)

slave quarters?

Posted in 150 Years Ago This Week, Confederate States of America, Southern Society | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment