unerasable

a milky way

There were a lot of home remedies during the Civil War (for example, blackberry brandy). The South might have been getting shorter and shorter on supplies, but if someone could spare some milk a letter from a loved one at the front could apparently become more permanent. Some of the information gleaned from Northern publications and presented 150 years ago this week. From the Richmond Daily Dispatch February 4, 1865:

How to make pencil-writing indelible.

–A correspondent of an agricultural paper gives the following information, which may be of service to some of our readers:

“A great many valuable letters and other writings are written in pencil. This is particularly the case with the letters our brave soldiers send home from the army. The following simple process will make lead-pencil writing or drawing as indelible as if done with ink: Lay the writing in a shallow dish and pure skimmed milk upon it. Any spots not wet at first may have the milk placed upon them lightly with a feather. When the paper is wet all over with the milk, take it up and let the milk drain off, and whip off with a feather the drops which collect on the lower edge. Dry it carefully, and it will be found to be perfectly indelible. It cannot be removed even with India rubber. It is an old recipe, and a good one.”

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out of the scabbard

George Washinton From the portrait by John Trumbull (Project Gutenberg's The Life Of George Washington, by John Marshall (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/28859/28859-h/28859-h.htm))

unsheathed

The South should be invincible because it is fighting to defend its own soil, not to mention that that the Army of Northern Virginia “was never stronger, physically and morally, than at this very hour.” The people just need to maintain their moral strength. From the Richmond Daily Dispatch February 7, 1865:

Washington’s Dying words.

When George Washington bequeathed to his heirs the sword he had worn in the War of Liberty, he charged them, “Never to take it from the scabbard but in self-defence, or in defence of their country and her freedom; but that when it should thus be drawn, they should never sheath it nor ever give it up, but prefer falling with it in their hands to the relinquishment thereof”–words, says an eminent Englishman, the majesty and simple eloquence of which are not surpassed in the oratory of Athens and Rome.

Let every soldier of the Confederacy engrave those last words of Washington upon his heart. Let them be inscribed in letters of gold upon the capitol of every Confederate State. Let the pulpit proclaim them; let the mother learn them to her children; let them be emblazoned on every banner; ring in every trumpet call, and flash from every sword.

The United States Army and Navy Gazette, in the article transferred to our issue of Saturday, admits that the anxiety for a speedy termination of the war is great in the North as well as in the South, and that it is upon the breaking down of “the will, the moral strength,” of the Confederacy, and not upon simple force of arms, that the United States hopes to conquer a peace.

Those concessions are made, be it remembered, in the face of those successes which have caused such croaking and despondency among the nervous and dyspeptic of our own people, after the defeat of Hood, the capture of Savannah, the triumph, by overwhelming odds, at Fort Fisher. These temporary advantages have not extinguished in Yankee minds memories of Bull Run, the two battles of Manassas, the defeat of McClellan, the defeat of Burnside, the defeat of Hooker, the defeat upon defeat of Grant, who started from the Rapid Ann for Richmond nearly a year ago with the largest army the United States ever has raised, or ever will raise, and has not got here yet. The conquest of such a nation by force of arms, even the United States military leaders see to be impossible, unless the great heart of the country gives way, and our own traitor doubts and fears deliver up the keys of the citadel.

Lieut. Genl. Ulysses S. Grant: General in Chief of the armies of the United States ( New York : Published by Currier & Ives, [between 1856 and 1907]; LOC:  LC-USZC2-2755)

hasn’t got to Richmond yet

We have never been of those who denied the Yankees the qualities of courage and soldiership. We conceded them those common capacities of all male animals before the war, but we have seen nothing in the war which gives us any new light on the subject. They have everywhere fought us at odds of two or three to one, and often been defeated even with such odds in their favor. We need not even assume, what we believe, that the South are a more military people than the Yankees, or any other race of men.– We attribute our success, under the favor of Divine Providence, to the “moral strength” of a people fighting on their own soil, and for their own firesides, against that “moral weakness” of invaders and aggressors which no ordinary preponderance of numbers can make strong. With those conditions in our favor, the United States may wage this warfare till the crack of doom, and the Confederacy can never be conquered. Our enemies see this as plainly as we do ourselves, though we had scarcely imagined they would have the honesty to confess it.

We have one word to say to the croakers of the Confederacy: If you want to give up the contest, meet, like men, in public assemblies, and say so; but do not paralyze the army with your long faces and deep groans. Do not come from your comfortable dwellings well spread boards and luxurious beds, and chant lamentations to those hopeful heroes who stand in your front, and have endured in your defence such perils and privations as have rarely fallen to the lot of humanity since the beginning of the world. Do not compel them to stand a fire in the rear more pertinacious and harassing than the fire in the front. Do not forever damp with your dismal breath the silver shields of knighthood, flashing so gloriously in the sunlight and reflecting ever the bold lineaments of hope and honor. Go home and go to bed, and dream of subjugation, and die, if you will; but do not be the death of your country.

Equestrian statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee, astride his horse, Traveller, in the park that surrounds the headquarters of the Dallas Park Board in Oak Lawn section of Dallas, Texas (Forms part of: Lyda Hill Texas Collection of Photographs in Carol M. Highsmith's America Project in the Carol M. Highsmith Archive., 2014; LOC: LC-DIG-highsm-28900)

The South’s Washington

The Army of General Lee, we are told, was never stronger, physically and morally, than at this very hour. Its nerves are of iron; its spirit is lofty and resolved; it hails with raptures the elevation of its commander to the supreme control of military movements as the harbinger of a new and brilliant career of success and glory. The causes of dissatisfaction that have hitherto existed in the internal conduct of affairs are rapidly disappearing. The right man will be everywhere put in the right place.–Every element of strength in the country will be developed and judiciously handled. Other nations have seen darker days: Rome, Greece, the Netherlands, our own forefathers of ’76; France, when Carnot became War Minister; England, when Mr. Pitt took the helm, and caused a reeling vessel to feel at once the hand of a mighty master, and ride the opposing billows in security and triumph. It is the province of such spirits “from the nettle, Danger, to pluck the flower, Safety.” Providence raises up the man for the time, and a man for this occasion, we believe, has been raised up in Robert E. Lee, the Washington of the second American Revolution, upon whom, from the beginning, all thoughtful eyes have been fixed as the future Deliverer of his country.

Of one thing we are certain, the moral strength of Virginia is as steadfast and immovable as her own Blue Ridge. She did not seek this quarrel; she avoided it by every honorable means of conciliation, by counsels of moderation, by offers of peace. But having taken her ground, she is going to maintain it. She may be overwhelmed by brute force; she may be subjugated, confiscated, exterminated, but she will never be a traitor to herself. Her “moral strength” cannot be broken, and in that “moral strength” she will yet prevail. She has no dream of sheathing the sword of Washington whilst the foot of an invading soldier pollutes her soil. Believing, hoping, daring, she will fight on to the end; calmly, valiantly, confidingly, trusting in Providence to vindicate the Right, and true to herself, her country and her God.

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review board

Many states and localities were dissatisfied with the quotas assigned them under the December 19th call for 300,000 more soldiers. President Lincoln ordered a board to determine fair quotas so the draft could proceed speedily. I do not know if and how the second presidential announcement here affected the first. but nothing was going to impede filling up the armies.

From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Seven:

ORDER TO MAKE CORRECTIONS IN THE DRAFT.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY, February 6, 1865

Whereas complaints are made in some localities respecting the assignments of quotas and credits allowed for the pending call of troops to fill up the armies: Now, in order to determine all controversies in respect thereto, and to avoid any delay in filling up the armies, it is ordered,

1. That the Attorney-General, Brigadier-General Richard Delafield, and Colonel C. W. Foster, be, and they are hereby constituted, a board to examine into the proper quotas and credits of the respective States and districts under the call of December 19, 1864, with directions, if any errors be found therein, to make such corrections as the law and facts may require, and report their determination to the Provost-Marshal-General. The determination of said board to be final and conclusive, and the draft to be made in conformity therewith.

2. The Provost-Marshal-General is ordered to make the draft in the respective districts as speedily as the same can be done after the fifteenth of this month.

A. LINCOLN.

TO PROVOST-MARSHAL-GENERAL.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 6, 1865.

PROVOST-MARSHAL-GENERAL:

These gentlemen distinctly say to me this morning that what they want is the means from your office of showing their people that the quota assigned to them is right. They think it will take but little time—two hours, they say. Please give there double the time and every facility you can.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

February 6, 1865.

The Provost-Marshal brings this letter back to me and says he cannot give the facility required without detriment to the service, and thereupon he is excused from doing it.

A. LINCOLN.

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“the Yankees were moving”

As “Lee’s Adjutant”, Walter Taylor, wrote to his girlfriend, 150 years ago today he had to leave church service early because he received word that, groundhog-like, the Union army had aroused itself from winter slumber and was on the move. Would the spring bloodletting come early that year? Colonel Taylor apologized to his beloved Bettie that he was left safe and sound at headquarters and then went on to express his concern that if General Sherman’s army proved uncontrollable, Richmond might eventually have to be abandoned.

[To Bettie]

Edge Hill

Sunday afternoon

5 Feby 65

Instead of a quiet comfortable Sunday, we have had one of considerable excitement, and even now the indications are that Grant is once more moving on us. I was late getting to Church, as we had Capt Semmes (Alabama) & Col Ives as morning visitors, and had scarcely become well engaged in the services when I received information that the Yankees were moving. I hurried home and was soon followed by the General who has now, with his two aides, gone toward the scene of action, whilst I have been left at Hd Qrs to attend to matters here. What will my little pet, who thinks so much of those always at the front, say of this? Should not I also go where there is danger? A soldier, dear Bettie, must obey orders – though mine keep me here now, they have often heretofore carried & will frequently hereafter carry me into positions most uncomfortably hot. From the reports that have reached me, it appears the enemy are moving to attack us in force – whether he has been reinforced by Genl Thomas I cannot say but all things considered I wd rather that he should fight now than later. We are in very good condition and by the help of God will render a good account of ourselves. …

These plagued Yankees give me much trouble. I have been compelled to divide my time and attention between you and them and fear they have rec’d the greatest portion. It seems now that they are on a raid towards our railroads – Southside & Danville. I have just recd orders from Genl Lee to direct certain movements. You see somebody has to be at Head Qrs. …

But to what I was about to say: we will have a trying spring campaign. You know I am very sanguine always. I don’t expect anything except success, but ’tis possible Sherman may trouble us here a great deal. I have often spoken to you in a semi-serious way about what should be done if Richmond should be lost. I am now altogether serious. Don’t you follow Ma’s example & conclude that because I propose certain steps in event such a disaster should occur, therefore I look for the fall of the City. I dare not say a word to Mother now about it, because of her way of arriving at conclusions so rapidly. Understand me then. I hope & expect that we shall hold our own, but they may not be able to control Sherman and possibly we may have to make very important changes in the campaign and shift our position. I don’t think this probable, only possible. …[1]

  1. [1]Tower, R. Lockwood with John S. Belmont, eds.Lee’s Adjutant: The Wartime Letters of Colonel Walter Herron Taylor, 1862-1865. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1995. Print. page 218-220.
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pledging allegiance

States’ Rights was dying hard in the South, a couple Virginia regiments were still full of fight.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch February 4, 1865:

Saturday morning…February 4, 1865.

Rebellion.

Even Lord John Russell confesses his inability to see any cause for the excessive indignation manifested in the North at the crime of “rebellion.” England, he observes, rebelled against Charles I.; rebelled against James II.; and the people of New England, not content with these two rebellions, rebelled against George III. Without deciding whether those rebellions were justifiable, or whether they were wrong, or whether the Southern rebellion is justifiable or not, Earl Russell says: “The mere fact of rebellion is not, in my eyes, a crime of so deep a dye that we must renounce all fellowship and communion and relationship with those who have been guilty of it. I own I cannot but wonder to see the offspring of three rebellions really speaking like the Czar of Russia, the Sultan of Turkey, or Louis XIV. himself, of the dreadful crime and guilt of rebellion.”

What adds to the audacity of this outcry, is the simple fact that there has been no rebellion at all, unless it be that of the Black Republican party against the American Constitution. There must be allegiance to a government acknowledged before resistance of its authority becomes rebellion. The States never owed any such allegiance to their agency at Washington. They were the sovereigns, to whom, and to whom alone, the supreme allegiance of their respective inhabitants was due.

Meeting of the Thirty-first Virginia regiment, of Pegram’s Brigade.

Immediately after dress parade, on February 1st, 1865, a meeting was organized in the Thirty-first Virginia regiment by calling Captain N. Glærson to the chair, and appointing Dr. S. Buttermore secretary.

Major H. P. Cooper explained the object of the meeting, and offered the following preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:

“Whereas, it is the duty, as it is the privilege of freemen to express their sentiments upon all subjects affecting the public weal, we, the officers and men of the Thirty-first Virginia regiment, do therefore.

“Resolve, That we have entire confidence in the President, the members of his Cabinet, both Houses of Congress, and our commanding officers.

“Resolved, That we denounce all fault-finding croakers as enemies of their country — detest their pretended sympathy, and decline their friendship.

“Resolved, That we pity our weak-kneed, desponding brethren, both citizens and soldiers, (if there are any such soldiers,) and say unto them: ‘Be of good cheer’; do but half your duty to your God, your country and yourselves, and all will be well.

“Resolved, That we took up arms to achieve our independence, and that four years of hardships and privations, as well as the blood of our slaughtered comrades, demand that we shall lay them down only when that purpose is accomplished.

“Resolved, That the Richmond papers be requested to publish the proceedings of this meeting.”

After which the meeting adjourned.

N. Clawson, Chairman.

S. Butter more, Secretary.

Resolutions of the Fifty-Second Virginia regiment.

Camp Pegram’s Brigade, February2, 1865.

Preamble and resolutions adopted by the Fifty-second Virginia regiment:

“Whereas, the Southern States never bound themselves to make the union that they formed with those of the North a permanent one; and, whereas, the war waged against us to make it such against our will is unjust: be it, therefore,

1. “Resolved, That we have as good right to be free and to govern ourselves as our enemies have, and that we are unwilling to forfeit that right by accepting at their hands any terms short of independence.
2. “That we are firmly convinced that a valorous zeal and steady adherence to the determination to conquer by force of arms cannot fail to reward us with an honorable peace; that with our resources and an inflexible resolution to be free, subjugation is impossible, and that should we be conquered, it will not be by the stern valor of our foes, but by a want of firmness and determination in ourselves.
3. “That we ever acknowledge the hand of Providence in our past successes, and that we trust in the righteousness of our cause and in the justice of our God, and lean upon His strong arm for deliverance in time to come.
4. “That these are our sentiments, and that a copy of this preamble and resolutions be sent for publication to the Richmond Examiner and Dispatch, the Staunton Vindicator and Lexington Gazette.”

The above preamble and resolutions were enthusiastically adopted by this regiment without a dissenting vote.

C. B. Coiner, Captain commanding regiment.

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pleading with the president

New York State and its localities were unhappy with the way the federal government was conducting the draft in the winter of 1865. Governor Reuben Fenton sent a couple state senators to Washington, D.C. to complain to the nation’s chief executive. Apparently President Lincoln met with the New York commissioners shortly before leaving the capital to confer with the Southern peace commissioners.

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper in February 1865:

The Quota of the State.

The shockingly blundering manner in which affairs are managed at the War Department is illustrated by the fact that, more than a month after the call for 300,000 more men, an addition of 14,000 is made to the quota of the State. Districts that have counted themselves out of the draft, are counted in again and the mischief is to pay generally.

Fenton, Hon. Reuben Eaton of N.Y. (ca. 1860-1865; LOC: LC-DIG-cwpbh-03480)

Governor Fenton disputed the quota numbers

The excitement about the quota pervades all classes, and all are bitter in their denunciations of the incompetent Fry. Gov. Fenton is making an effort to have Fry’s plans modified if not defeated. To this end he commissioned Senators Bell and Andrews to proceed to Washington for the purpose of laying the matter before the President. They have sent to the Governor the following telegram:

WASHINGTON, Feb. 2d, 1865. – We obtain the President’s assent to the following proposition that so much of the revised quota as was added to the State of New York by the order of Jan. 24th, say 16,000, be deferred for further investigation; this deferred portion of the quota to be deducted pro rata from the various districts of the State.

This is to be carried out by deduction of 25 per cent. from the quota of each district in the State as assigned Jan. 24th.

The deferred portion is to be subject to further examination and action.

[Signed] [sic]

JAMES A BELL.
GEO.H. ANDREWS.

It may be, with proper efforts, that the excessive quota of the State will be modied [sic]. Let us wait and see.

You can read more about Reuben Fenton’s quota controversy with the administration and his relationship with the president in general at Mr. Lincoln and New York

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making tracks for peace?

President Lincoln was going to talk with the rebel peace commissioners. The first leg of his journey was by train.

From The New-York Times February 3, 1865:

THE PEACE CONFERENCE; MOVEMENTS OF THE PRESIDENT. He is Summoned to Fortress M[o]nroe by Secretary Seward. Arrival of the Commissioners at City Point. An Important Conference Probably Going On. Further Comments of the Rebel Journals. They Are Not to be Seduced Into Peace. Dispatches to the Associated Press.

Special Dispatch to the New-York Times.

WASHINGTON, Thursday, Feb. 2.

Secretary SEWARD, early this morning, telegraphed the President from Fortress Monroe, that his presence was needed immediately. Upon receipt of this dispatch, the President proceeded in a special car to Annapolis, where a Government vessel was awaiting to convey him to Fortress Monroe. Speculation is rife as to the meaning of this departure of the President to confer with the rebel Commissioners. Many infer that it is preliminary to peace; others, again, who are well informed, believe that the entire affair will end, for the present in no adjustment of our national difficulties.

Hampton Roads area 1861 (LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/2003630497/)

Presidential destination; Fortress Monroe – top center (Library of Congress, 1862 map)

WASHINGTON, Thursday, Feb. 2.

At 11 o’clock this morning, President LINCOLN left Washington by a special train for Annapolis, at which place he arrived at 2 P.M., and embarked on the steamer Thomas Colyer for Fortress Monroe, which place he will reach at 1 to-morrow morning.

Information received from Fortress Monroe to-night states that the Southern Commissioners on Tuesday morning were on board Gen. GRANT’s dispatch-boat, the Mary Martin, awaiting the President’s order as to whether they should proceed to Washington.

WASHINGTON, Thursday, Feb. 2.

The Star has issued an extra in regard to the movements of President LINCOLN. It says:

“To-day, at 11 o’clock, President LINCOLN left Washington by a special train, for Annapolis, for the purpose, it is understood, of joining Secretary SEWARD at Fortress Monroe or City Point, to hold an interview with the rebel deputation, Messrs. A.H. STEPHENS, R.M.T. HUNTER, and JOHN A. CAMPBELL.

President LINCOLN took his departure in a special car drawn by engine No. 18, which was placed upon the road at a few moments’ notice, by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company.

The President was accompanied by only one of the attaches of the White House.

From the fact of the President going to Fortress Monroe or City Point, color is given to the report that the rebel deputation have been allowed to enter our lines, and it is understood that they are now at Fortress Monroe.”

BALTIMORE, Thursday, Feb. 2.

A special to the American, from Annapolis, says that President LINCOLN, accompanied only by a servant, arrived here and left at one o’clock on the steamer Colyer, for Fortress Monroe.

Apparently, 150 years ago yesterday General George Meade had an interesting conversation with the three peace commissioners. General Meade didn’t seem to think there would be much compromise on the Northern side. From The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade … (page 258-259:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, February 1, 1865.

I found on my arrival, last night [from Philadelphia], that three distinguished gentlemen, Mr. Alexander Stephens (Vice President of the Confederacy), Mr. R.M.T. Hunter (formerly United States Senator from Virginia), and Mr. Campbell, of Alabama, (formerly Judge United States Supreme Court), were in our lines, having been passed in by General Grant, on their expressing a wish to go to Washington. … I called this morning, with General Grant, on them, and remained after General Grant left, and talked very freely with them. I told them very plainly what I thought was the basis on which the people of the North would be glad to have peace, namely, the complete restoration of the Union and such a settlement of the slavery question as should be final, removing it forever as a subject of strife. Mr. Stephens suggested that, if we could stop fighting, the matter might be discussed. I told him promptly that was entirely out of the question; that we could not stop fighting unless it was for good, and that he might be assured any proposals based on a suspension of hostilities would not be received. Mr. Stephens then said they did not consider the slavery question as so formidable a difficulty, but they feared the difficulty would be to obtain such modification of the old Constitution as would protect the States, in case of other questions arising to produce strife. I said if you mean to propose a reorganization and change in our Government, I don’t think you will meet with any success. We are satisfied with our Constitution, and you seem to be, since yours is identically ours, excepting the protection you give to slavery. Mr. Hunter then asked me what we proposed to do with the slaves after freeing them, as it was well known they would not work unless compelled. I replied that this was undoubtedly a grave question, but not insurmountable; that they must have labor, and the negroes must have support; between the two necessities I thought some system could be devised accommodating both interests, which would not be so obnoxious as slavery. They then said they thought it a pity this matter could not be left to the generals on each side, and taken out of the hands of politicians. I answered I had no doubt a settlement would be more speedily in this way, but I feared there was no chance for this.

President Lincoln was going to let peace maneuvers derail the North’s military operations. From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Seven:

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, February 1, 1865
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point:

Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or delay your military movements or plans.

A. LINCOLN.

Shelby Foote wrote that General Grant assured the President he was ready with the armies. Mr. Foote also wrote that President Lincoln met the commissioners at General Grant’s urging.[1]

  1. [1]Foote, Shelby. The Civil War, A Narrative. Vol. 3. Red River to Appomattox. New York: Random House, 1986. Print. page 774.
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constitutional amendment

150 years ago today the United States House of Representatives approved an amendment to the U.S. Constitution abolishing slavery throughout the United States; the Senate had earlier voted in favor of the proposal. Although three-fourths of the states would have to concur for the amendment to take effect, the federal government had approved a big change to the supreme law of the land.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch February 6, 1865:

Abolition of slavery by the United States Congress.

It will be seen by our extracts from Northern journals that the Yankee Congress have passed an amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery throughout the United States, which, in their acceptation of that term, means also the Confederate States. Before this amendment can become a law of the United States proper, it must be ratified by the Legislatures of two-thirds of all the States, including the States of the Confederacy, or by conventions of two-thirds of all. The Yankees have twenty-eight States, all of which, their papers say, will ratify the amendment, thus giving it the ratification of the necessary two- thirds. Whether the law shall ever be carried into effect as regards these Confederate States remains to be decided by the sword.

From the same issue:

Passage of the bill abolishing slavery in the United States–Scenes in Congress — cannon firing and Bell ringing in Yankeedom.

NY Times 2-1-1865

“an epoch in the history of the country” NY Times 2-1-1865

The Yankees have performed another grand Chinese feat. They have amended the Constitution so that it will do what their armies cannot — abolish slavery.–This is followed by great edicts from the abolition mandarins, and a grand flourish of banners and beating of tom- toms, which is to convince the Confederate States that slavery is abolished forever in their limits, and that the “man and brother” is hereafter to have a box seat. The remarkable and rather laughable scene took place in their House of Representatives on the 31st of January, and under the supervision of the half- brother of the moon — Abraham Lincoln. The Washington correspondent of the New York Herald thus describes the event:

A large number of prominent politicians, from different sections of the country, wandered around the cloak room, which seemed to indicate that the floor was free to everybody. State officials and members of Congress, Senators, Cabinet officials and judges, all mingled together, manifesting a deep interest in the event of the hour. There was Postmaster Dennison, with his straight form, long locks, tinged with gray, moving about with an apparently light heart. There was the Secretary of Finance, Mr. Fessenden, wearing an anxious face, and looking as though a mighty weight rested upon his shoulders. Beside him sat Chief Justice Chase, with a countenance full of hope, apparently unconcerned in regard to the events of the hour, but in reality as deeply interested as any person present. Around this locality were gathered numerous public men of note, as well as many yet unknown to fame, forming an interesting group.

The Republican side of the House appeared somewhat agitated. Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, being the person recognized as the leader and mouth-piece of the party on this question, groups of members were constantly gathering about his seat.-… Mr. Ashley finally yielded, and consented that the vote should be taken at half past 3, or postponed half an hour. This appeared to arouse the anger of many Republicans, and an interesting group gathered around Mr. Ashley’s seat. There was Thad. Stevens, got up in full fighting trim from his waist up, shaking his finger at Mr. Ashley for giving way and reading him a lecture. Stevens’s face looked fire, while Ashley’s was as red as a fresh cut of beef. Other members cried, “Mr. Speaker, let us have the vote,” and were determined, if possible, to have a vote. The excited Republicans finally yielded, Stevens taking his seat, but evidently with no good grace.

On the Democratic side there was considerable commotion. …

[parliamentary maneuvers] … Then came the vote on the final passage. Perfect silence, for the first time, reigned. The response of every member was watched, and as one by one the Democrats changed front, there was an expression of joy on the Republican side. Boldly, and like men fully realizing the important step, did Ganson, Radford, Nelson, Steele, Rollins, Yeaman, English and others respond to their names. It was no faint whisper. They responded like men who had weighed carefully the subject, taken their position after mature deliberation, and were ready to take the consequences. It was an important step. In taking it, and responding in the affirmative, however, they only did that which many others on the Democratic side wanted to do, but had not the courage, the heart, to say aye.

Scene in the House on the passage of the proposition to amend the Constitution, January 31, 1865 (Harper's Weekly Harper's weekly, v. 9, no. 425 (1865 Feb. 18), p. 97; LOC: LC-USZ62-127599)

“with rapturous kissing” scene in the House after passage

The roll was concluded. The honored names were all recorded, hereafter to be handed down in company with those who first recorded their names for that noble instrument. Long before it was announced, the expression of the faces of those on the Republican side showed too plainly the result, and that their joy was only being pent up, ready to burst forth the moment that the result was announced. The sharp tone of the Speaker’s voice was soon heard announcing the vote. In a louder, deeper and heavier tone than usual with him, Speaker Colfax announced– “Having received a two-third vote, the amendment has passed.”

Then came a wild scene on the floor of the House. Republican members waved their hats and cheered, the galleries took up the cry, handkerchiefs waved in the air, cheers echoed through the halls, and all dignity of the occasion seemed to be forgotten. Members were dancing, pulling each other around and performing all manner of antics. Among the most amusing was the scene between Mr. Brandegee and Mr. Spaulding. They went through shaking of hands, hugging each other, and other wild demonstrations, finally closing up with rapturous kissing. …

The event was “hailed with joy all over the North,” according to the Herald, which says:

Salutes in honor of the event were fired in various cities yesterday. Governor Fenton sent a message into both Houses of our Legislature, recommending immediate concurrence on their part, and a joint resolution was introduced in both the Senate and the Assembly, which, under the rules, had to lie over for one day. Free Maryland has been the first to ratify the action of Congress. Governor Bradford, of that State, yesterday morning announced to its Legislature the fact of the adoption of the resolution in Congress, and the House of Delegates immediately took it up and concurred by a vote of fifty-three to twenty-three. Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, has directed the firing of a salute of one hundred guns, and recommended the ringing of the church bells for one hour. …

President Lincoln provided a lawyerly review in response to a serenade the next day. From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Seven:

CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT FOR THE ABOLISHING OF SLAVERY

PASSAGE THROUGH CONGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT FOR THE ABOLISHING OF SLAVERY

RESPONSE TO A SERENADE, JANUARY 31 [February 1], 1865.

He supposed the passage through Congress of the Constitutional amendment for the abolishing of slavery throughout the United States was the occasion to which he was indebted for the honor of this call.

Uncle Abe's valentine sent by Columbia (Frank Leslie's 2-1865; LOC: http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/h?ammem/scsmbib:@field%28DOCID+@lit%28scsm000381%29%29)

Uncle Abe’s Valentine (Library of Congress, Rare Book and Special Collections Division, Alfred Whital Stern Collection of Lincolniana.)

The occasion was one of congratulation to the country, and to the whole world. But there is a task yet before us—to go forward and consummate by the votes of the States that which Congress so nobly began yesterday. He had the honor to inform those present that Illinois had already done the work. Maryland was about half through, but he felt proud that Illinois was a little ahead.

He thought this measure was a very fitting if not an indispensable adjunct to the winding up of the great difficulty. He wished the reunion of all the States perfected, and so effected as to remove all causes of disturbance in the future; and, to attain this end, it was necessary that the original disturbing cause should, if possible, be rooted out. He thought all would bear him witness that he had never shirked from doing all that he could to eradicate slavery, by issuing an Emancipation Proclamation. But that proclamation falls short of what the amendment will be when fully consummated. A question might be raised whether the proclamation was legally valid. It might be added, that it only aided those who came into our lines, and that it was inoperative as to those who did not give themselves up; or that it would have no effect upon the children of the slaves born hereafter; in fact, it would be urged that it did not meet the evil. But this amendment is a king’s cure for all evils. It winds the whole thing up. He would repeat, that it was the fitting if not the indispensable adjunct to the consummation of the great game we are playing. He could not but congratulate all present—himself, the country, and the whole world upon this great moral victory.

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institutional amendment

The long lead Monday morning editorial at the Dispatch discussed a well-known catchphrase during the Civil War and discussed why it was fallacious – in the South. The paper later reported that Southern church leaders warned that slave owners needed to respect the marriage institution if they were going to preserve the peculiar institution.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch January 30, 1865:

Monday morning…January 30, 1865.
“rich man’s War — poor man’s fight.”

Poverty is certainly not without its disadvantages. It is the lot of the great mass of mankind. The rich, in all countries and in all ages, are a respectable minority. But among its many misfortunes, none is greater than the facility with which, in democratic countries, it can be duped by demagogues to its own utter ruin. At the head of this article we have placed a shallow but mischievous sophism, invented by enemies of the Confederate cause to paralyze the valiant hearts on which it relies for success.–If there are any soldiers of the Confederacy weak enough to be deluded by this [ transparant ] but malignant device, we invoke them to listen to a few words of warning.

Granting, for the sake of the argument, that the mass of Confederate armies is composed of poor men, is their condition any worse in this respect than that of all the armies of all the wars that from the beginning of the world have been fought to this day? …

But if ever there was a war to which the miserable sophism we have quoted has no application whatever, it is this universal uprising of the South against Yankee invasion. What brought to the field the great mass of the Southern armies — the men who, from Manassas to this hour, have illustrated the Confederate flag with prodigies of valor and endurance? They came voluntarily, poor and rich, to drive from their common soil a common enemy. Whilst the majority of them, like the majority of all armies, are not rich men, more rich men have entered the Confederate ranks than any army of which we have any knowledge. It is true enough, there are some rich men who have never shouldered a musket and never will. But they are mostly those who were poor at the beginning of the war, and have made fortunes since by extortion and speculation. If they could be taken by the nape of the neck and thrust into the front of the battle, it would give universal satisfaction. Many men who were rich before the war have become utterly impoverished, and would consider themselves fortunate now if they could be assured of soldier’s fare and soldier’s clothing.

And now, suppose the work of subjugation complete, and that institution of slavery, in which we are told none but slaveholders have any interest, abolished, how are the poor to be benefitted? What is the condition of the poor in England, in France, in the North? Is it not an incessant and painful struggle for the bare necessaries of life by the performance of labors which are here performed by slaves? Is it not a rigid exclusion from all social sympathies and considerations, so that the foreigner and Northern employer treats his employee with less indulgence and civility than the Southern master treats his slaves? …

We honestly believe that the welfare and happiness of Southern poor men are as much involved in the success of this struggle as any other class of the community — more so than the rich, who can leave the country and escape brutality and degradation of foreign lands. …

Religious duties of masters to slaves.

The Protestant and Catholic clergy of the Confederacy are calling attention to the duty of enforcing the sanctity of the marriage relation among slaves. The Baptist Convention of Georgia has adopted an emphatic resolution upon this subject. The Southern Churchman quotes various religious authorities, setting forth the sinfulness of any neglect by masters of this Christian duty; among them Bishop Verot, (Roman Catholic Bishop of Savannah,) who says: “Slavery, to become a permanent institution of the South, must be made to conform to the law of God; a Southern Confederacy will never thrive unless it rests upon morality and order; the Supreme Arbiter of Nations will not bless with stability and prosperity a state of things which would be a flagrant violation of His holy commandments.”

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ice blockade

It was reported that Mother Nature helped out the rebel cause a bit. Presumably federal government horses and mules were at risk.

From The New-York Times January 29, 1865:

NEWS FROM WASHINGTON.; MR. BLAIR’S PRIVATE PAPERS.

Special Dispatches to the New-York Times.

Mr. BLAIR has stated to an intimate friend, that by his first trip to Richmond be succeeded in obtaining from the rebel authorities many valuable papers, taken from his house by EARLY’S men last September. Among the documents recovered was his will.

Dispatches to the Associated Press.

THE REBEL IRON-CLAD RAID.

WASHINGTON, Saturday, Jan. 28.

A gentleman who arrived here, to-night, from City Point, which place he left yesterday, says that all the rebel vessels have returned up the James River. It is not probable they will soon again repeat their expedition, as there is now gun-boat and iron-clad force enough to take care of all such adventurers.

THE ICE BLOCKADE.

Owing to the ice-blockade of the Potomac, the Government is sending wagons out into the country in all directions to procure hay. A large number of hay boats bound up are frozen in below Alexandria, with no immediate prospect of being released.

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The following broadside is dated January 29, 1865 at American Memory

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=mal&fileName=mal1/403/4034100/malpage.db&recNum=0

looking for a 15 year old son

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