General Grant reports

150 years ago this week reports by President Johnson and General Grant on the condition of the South were published.

From The New-York Times December 20, 1865:

THE THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS; Important Message from the President on Reconstruction. He Favors the Immediate Restoration of All the State Governments in the South.Lieut.-Gen. Grant Takes the Same Ground in His Report. Senator Sumner Makes a Bitter Attack on the President.The House Adopts a Joint Resolution for an Amendment to the Constitution.The Payment of Rebel War Debts to be Forever Prohibited.The Washington and New-York Air Line Railroad Bill Passed by the House. FIRST SESSION. THE NORTHEASTERN FRONTIER. A UNIFORM MILITIA SYSTEM. THE FREEDMEN’S BUREAU. COAL LANDS. THE COURT OF CLAIMS. THE REGULAR ARMY. AMENDMENT OF THE PENSION LAWS THE NAVY REGISTER. THE SUPERINTENDENT OF THE PUBLIC PRINTING. THE HOLIDAY RECESS. BILL TO SECURE FREEDMEN’S RIGHTS. VOLUNTEER GENERALS. THE COMMITTEE ON RECONSTRUCTION. SOUTHERN REPRESENTATION. A MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT. THE SOUTHERN DELEGATIONS. THE TAX ON DOMESTIC MAUNFACTURES.

The message of the President was then read, as follows:

To the Senate of the United States:

In reply to the resolution adopted by the Senate on the 12th, I have the honor to state that the rebellion waged by a portion of the people against the properly constituted authorities of the Government of the United States, has been suppressed; that the United States are in possession of every State in which the insurrection existed; and that, as far as could be done, the courts of the United States have been restored, post-offices reestablished, and steps taken to put into effective operation the revenue laws of the country. As the result of the measures instituted by the Executive with the view of inducing a resumption of the functions of the States comprehended in the inquiry of the Senate, the people in North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Tennessee, have recognized their respective State Governments, and are yielding obedience to the laws and Government of the United States with more willingness and greater promptitude than under the circumstances could reasonably have been anticipated. The proposed amendment to the constitution providing for the abolition of slavery forever within the limits of the country, has been ratified by each one of these States, with the exception of Mississippi, from which no official information has been received; and in nearly all of them measures have been adopted, or are now pending, to confer upon the freedmen the privileges which are essential to their comfort, protection and security. In Florida and Texas, the people are making commendable progress in restoring their State Governments, and no doubt is entertained that they will at an early period be in a condition to resume all of their practical relations with the Federal Government. In that portion of the Union lately in rebellion the aspect of affairs is more promising than, in view of all the circumstances, could well have been expected. The people throughout the entire South evince a laudable desire to renew their allegiance to the government and to repair the devastations of war by a prompt and cheerful return to peaceful pursuits. An abiding faith is entertained that their actions will conform to their professions, and that in acknowledging the supremacy of the constitution and the laws of the United States, their loyalty will be unreservedly given to the government, whose leniency they cannot fail to appreciate and whose fostering care will soon restore them to a condition of prosperity. It is true that in some of the States the demoralizing effects of the war are to be seen in occasional disorders; but these are local in character, not frequent in occurrence, and are rapidly disappearing as the authority of the civil power is extended and sustained. Perplexing questions were naturally to be expected from the great and sudden change in the relations between the two races; but systems are gradually developing themselves, under which the freedman will receive the protection to which he is justly entitled, and by means of his labor make himself a useful and independent member of the community in which he has his home. From all the information in my possession, and from that which I have recently derived from the most reliable authority, I am induced to cherish the belief that sectional animosity is surely and rapidly merging itself into a spirit of nationality, and that representation, connected with a properly adjusted system of taxation, will result in a harmonious restoration of the relations of the States to the National Union.

WASHINGTON, D.C., Dec. 18, 1865.

REPORT OF GEN. GRANT.

Mr. COWAN then called for the reading of a report made to the President by Gen. GRANT, concerning his late visit in the South.

Gen. GRANT’s report was read as follows:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THH UNITED STATES, Tuesday, Dec. 18, 1865.

His Excellency A. Johnson, President of the United States:

SIR: In reply to your note of the 18th inst., requesting a report from me giving such information as I may be possessed of coming within the scope of the inquiries made by the Senate of the United States in their resolution of the 12th inst., I have the honor to submit the following with your approval, and also that of the honorable Secretary of War.

Portrait of Ulysses S. Grant (by Alexander Gardner, ca. 1865]; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/2004674419/)

freedmen’s bureau’s performance – inconsistent

I left Washington City on the 27th of last month, for the purpose of making a tour of inspection throughout some of the Southern States lately in rebellion, and to see what changes were necessary in the disposition of the military forces of the country, now these forces could be reduced, and expenses curtailed, &c.; and to learn, as far as possible, the feelings and intentions of the citizens of these States toward the General Government. The State of Virginia being so accessible to Washington City, and information from this quarter, therefore, being readily obtained. I hastened through the State without conversing or meeting with any of its citizens. In Raleigh, N.C., I spent one day; in Charleston, S.C., two days; and in Savannah and Augusta, Ga., each one day. Both in traveling and whilst stopping I saw much and conversed freely with the citizens of those States, as well as with officers of the army who have been stationed among them.

The following are the conclusions come to by me: I am satisfied that the mass of the thinking men of the South accept the present situation of affairs in good faith. The questions which have hitherto divided the sentiments of the people of the two sections — Slavery and State rights, or the right of a State to secede from the Union — they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal — arms — that man can resort to. I was pleased to learn from the leading men whom I met, that they not only accepted the decision arrived at as final, but, now the smoke of battle has cleared away, and time has been given for reflection, that this decision has been a fortunate one for the whole country, they receiving the like benefits from it with those who opposed them in the field and in the council. Four years of war, during which law was executed only at the point of the bayonet throughout the States in rebellion, have left the people possibly in a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority that the American people have generally been in the habit of yielding. This would render the presence of small garrisons throughout those States necessary until such time as labor returns to its proper channel, and civil authority is fully established. I did not meet any one, either those holding places under the government or citizens of the Southern States, who thought it practicable to withdraw the military from the South at present. The white and the black mutually require the protection of the General Government. There is such universal acquiesence in the authority of the General Government throughout the portions of the country visited by me, that the mere presence of a Military force, without regard to numbers, is sufficient to maintain order. The good of the country requires that the force kept in the interior, where there are many freedmen (elsewhere in the Southern States than at forts upon the sea-coast no force is necessary) should all be white troops. The reasons for this are obvious, without mentioning many of them. The presence of black troops lately slaves demoralizes labor, both by their advice and furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distances around. White troops generally excite no opposition, and therefore a small number of them can maintain order in a given district. Colored troops must be kept in bodies sufficient to defend themselves. It is not the thinking men who would do violence toward any class of troops sent among them by the General Government; but the ignorant in some places might; and the late slave, too, who might be imbued with the idea that the property of his late master should by right belong to him, at cast [least?] should have no protection from the colored soldiers. There is danger of collision being brought on by such causes. My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the Southern States are anxious to return to self government within the Union as soon as possible; that whilst reconstructing they want and require protection from the government; that, they think, is required by the government and is not humiliating to them as citizens; and that if such a course was pointed out they would pursue it in good faith. It is to be regretted that there cannot be a greater commingling at this time between the citizens of the two sections, and particularly of those intrusted with the law-making power. I did not give the operations of the Freedmen’s Bureau that attention I would have done if more time had been at my disposal. Conversations, however, on the subject, with officers connected with the bureau, led me to think that in some of the States its affairs have not been conducted with good judgment or economy, and that the belief widely spread among the freedmen of the Southern States that the lands of their former owners will, at least in part, b[e] divided among them, has come from the agents of this bureau. This belief is seriously interfering with the willingness of the freedmen to make contracts for the coming year. In some form the Freedmen’s Bureau is an absolute necessity until civil law is established and enforced, securing to the freedmen their rights and full protection. At present, however, it is independent of the military establishment of the country, and seems to be operated by the different agents of the bureau according to their individual notions. Everywhere Gen. HOWARD, the able head of the bureau, made friends by the just and fair instructions and advice he gave. But the complaint in South Carolina was that when he left, things went on as before. Many, perhaps the majority of the agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau, advise the freedmen that by their own industry they must expect to live. To this end they endeavor to secure employment for them, and to see that both contracting parties comply with their engagements. In some cases, I am sorry to say the freedman’s mind does not seem to be disabused of the idea that the freedman has the right to live without cars or provision for the future. The effect of the belief in the division of the lands is idleness and accumulation in camps, towns and cities. In such cases I think it will be found that vice and disease will tend to the extermination or great destruction of the colored race. It cannot be expected that the opinions held by men at the South for years can be changed in a day. And therefore the freedmen require for a few years not only laws to protect them, but the fostering care of those who will give them good counsel, and on whom they can rely. The Freedmen’s Bureau being separated from the military establishment of the country, requires all the expense of a separate organization. One does not necessarily know what the other is doing, or what orders they are acting under. It seems to me this could be corrected by regarding every officer on duty with troops in the Southern States, as agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau, and then have all orders from the head of the bureau sent through the department commanders. This would create a responsibility that would create uniformity of action throughout the South, would insure the orders and instructions from the head of the bureau being carried out, and would relieve from duty and pay a large number of employes of the government.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U.S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General. …

The Daily Dispatch summarized these reports here

Alexander Gardner’s photo of General Grant is found at the Library of Congress
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another man without a country?

View of Johnson's Island, near Sandusky City, O. (1865; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/99447489/)

recalcitrance in Lake Erie


From the Richmond Daily Dispatch December 22, 1865:

The last Confederate prisoner.

–The last Confederate prisoner of war has been released, on condition that he would leave the country. The Baton Rouge Gazette of the 5th says:

A letter received by Mr. G. Gusman, of this city, from his son, Captain A. L. Gusman, of the Confederate army, conveys the intelligence that the brave young captain has been released from Fort Delaware on parole, and on condition further that he is to leave the United States within fifteen days from the date of the release.

Captain Gusman was for a long while confined as a prisoner on Johnson’s Island, and was one of the two who persisted in refusing to take the oath of allegiance to the Government. He was subsequently transferred to Fort Delaware, where he was confined for several months previous to his release.

The Advocate says that Captain Gusman left New York for Vera Cruz on the shipsteamship Moro Castle, to join and Magruder.

Apparently Antoine L. Gusman eventually returned to the United States. You can read some background at The South’s Defender, including information that he is buried in Baton Rouge. Also, Mr. Gusman refused to take the oath twice in June 1865 while confined at Johnson’s Island in Ohio.

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for what it’s worth

NY Times December 19, 1865

NY Times December 19, 1865

As has been well-documented, William H. Seward did not think the United States Constitution was the most important law in the country. Especially in the context of determining whether slavery should be eradicated, he believed there was “a higher law than the Constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes.”

However, 150 years ago Secretary of State Seward certified that even the U.S. Constitution officially abolished slavery throughout the nation. From The New-York Times December 19, 1865:

THE CONSUMMATION!; Slavery Forever Dead in the United States. Official Proclamation of the Great Fact. Secretary Seward Announces the Ratification of the Constitutional Amendment. Twenty-seven States Declared for Universal Freedom. No Human Bondage After Dec. 18, 1865.THE PROGRESS OF RECONSTRUCTION. Withdrawal of Military Government in Alabama. PROCLAMATION. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, SECRETARY OF STATE OF THE UNITED STATES, ARTICLE XIII.

To All to Whom these Presents May Come, Greeting,

Know ye, that, whereas, the Congress of the United States, on the 1st of February last, passed a resolution, which is in the words following, namely:

“A resolution submitting to the Legislatures of the several States a proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States:

William Seward

consummation proclamation (or just another commencement address?)

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as a part of said Constitution, namely:

SECTION 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duty convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

SEC. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

And, whereas, it appears from official documents on file in this department that the Amendment to the Constitution of the United States proposed as aforesaid, has been ratified by the Legislatures of the States of Illinois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New-York, West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Arkansas, Connecticut, New-Hampshire, South Carolina, Alabama, North Carolina and Georgia, in all twenty-seven States;

And whereas, the whole number of States in the United States is thirty-six;

And whereas, the before specially named States, whose Legislatures have ratified the said proposed amendment, constitute three-fourths of the whole number of States in the United States;

Now, therefore, be it known that I, WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State of the United States, by virtue and in pursuance of the second section of the act of Congress approved the 20th of April, 1818, entitled “An Act to provide for the publication of the laws of the United States and for other purposes,” do hereby certify that the amendment aforesaid HAS BECOME VALID TO ALL INTENTS AND PURPOSES AS A PART OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the Department of State to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, this 18th day of December, in the year of our Lord 1865, and of the Independence of the United States of America the 90th. WM.H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State.

According to Walter Stahr, Mr. Seward actually did believe that the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment helped put a period to an American sentence:

On December 18, Seward certified that a sufficient number of states had ratified the Thirteenth Amendment, the amendment abolishing slavery, so that it was now part of the Constitution. Twenty-seven out of thirty-six states had approved, Seward noted, counting all the southern states in his calculation, including those whose representatives were not yet admitted to Congress. One could question whether these were legitimate states for this purpose, but Seward did not; he believed the executive branch could form its own views on whether to recognize a state government, as it had during the Civil War in the cases of West Virginia, Louisiana, and other states. “It was with especial gratification,” [Secretary Seward’s son] Frederick later recalled, that his father “affixed his name to this crowning and closing act of the long struggle.” Frederick’s language here reflected his father’s views: Seward believed that, with the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment and the formation of new southern state governments, the process of Reconstruction was almost complete. The radicals believed the struggle had only begun.[1]

How much does what is written in the Constitution really matter? Mr. Seward believed there was a higher law. Charles Evans Hughes apparently thought what mattered was how some folks read the written word:

We are under a Constitution, but the Constitution is what the judges say it is, and the judiciary is the safeguard of our property and our liberty and our property under the Constitution.

Well, that’s reassuring.

slave density 1860 census (Map showing the distribution of the slave population of the southern states of the United States. Compiled from the census of 1860, 1861 ; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/ody0314/)

no more

You can see the Seward statue in this post near the Seward House in Auburn, New York. The map showing slave density by county based on the 1860 census can be found at the Library of Congress
  1. [1]Stahr, Walter Seward: Lincoln’s Indispensable Man. 2012. New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2013. Print. page 452.
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legislation without representation …

It is neither right nor safe for any part of the country to legislate for another part of the country without giving it any voice in that legislation. Representation is the vital principle of republican institutions.

150 years ago today there were reports in a Richmond newspaper that the United States House Committee of Fifteen intended to procrastinate on the question of admitting delegations from Southern states. From the Richmond Daily Dispatch December 16, 1865:

Southern representation.

There are current reports of party understandings to the effect that the existing Congressional arrangements (in a joint committee) for the cases of persons returned as Senators or Representatives from the late Confederate or rebel States, is to procrastinate such cases by the various expedients known to partisan chicane until representatives and people alike of the South shall lose all heart and hope.

The House adopted yesterday a resolution supplementary to what is known as the “caucus reconstruction resolution,” which will insure the reference of all papers relative to the so-called Confederate States to the joint committee of fifteen. Mr. Raymond and a few other Union Representatives voted against the resolution.

Mr. Forney writes:

“While there is a fixed determination not to admit any man in Congress whose hands were imbued with the blood of our fellow-countrymen, and who cannot take the oath that was taken by all the members of the last Congress, with one or two exceptions, and by all the new members and Senators of the present Congress, tried and true men from the South, who came here fairly elected, will not be compelled to wait long. The temper of the House is decidedly against the repeal of this same test oath, and it would seem that it will require a long time before certain of the Southern communities can so mould their action to the inevitabilities as to render it safe to do so.”

The Dispatch editors found some hope in a Northern editorial. From the Richmond Daily Dispatch December 16, 1865:

The Capitol of the United States of America: taken from Adams & Co's Office ; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/97517392/)

promised land

Southern representation — a Gleam of hope.

We trust that our readers will not think that we have given up too much space to the following article, when we remind them that the editor of the New York Times is Honorable H. J. Raymond, a prominent Republican member of Congress, and that he is generally regarded as the exponent of the views of Mr. Seward, who, in turn, is the most influential member of the Republican party, and has never, we believe, in one instance, failed to control its policy — not even when he was the first to warn them from what was called “Know Nothingism.” With Seward actively engaged in behalf of the admission of the Southern representatives, they have nothing to fear as to the result.

From the New York Daily Times.

Importance of a Southern representation.

Mr. Sumner’s theory that the “insurrectionary States” have forfeited their State attributes, and are now mere territorial domain, has justly been repelled as inconsistent with the whole scheme of the Constitution. But even that theory is preferable to any project of keeping the functions of these States in indefinite suspension, and excluding them from all representation in the National Legislature. Treat these States as Territories, and they may at least, like other Territories, send each a delegate to the House of Representatives, who, though not voting, would have the privilege of speaking and representing the feelings and wishes of his constituents. In the present condition of things, these so-called States have not even a Territorial life; every one of them is as voiceless in the national halls as if it were forever dead, and resolved into its primitive dust again.

It was but right for the House to ignore all representatives from the theatre of the late rebellion until it could be shown that their elections were made under competent authority and in a proper way. It is well, too, to stop to inquire whether the late insurrectionary States, in seeking again the constitutional right of representation, are prepared to comply with all their constitutional obligations. But all this can be learned without any great delay. President Johnson doubtless has abundant information, derived from his provisional governors, and from agents deputed to make special inquiry, which he will cheerfully impart. If that information is not enough, any deficiency can easily be supplied by an invitation of the Southern Representatives to present themselves before the committee of fifteen. Unquestionably they could make expositions of the condition of the South, and of the present sentiments of the people, that would quickly clear up every uncertain point, and enable the committee to report, at an early day, with the fullest understanding.

The true policy is to expedite rather than delay the re-admission of the Southern Representatives and Senators. It is neither right nor safe for any part of the country to legislate for another part of the country without giving it any voice in that legislation. Representation is the vital principle of republican institutions. Its denial to any extent impairs the normal operation of our government, and opens the way to all kinds of abuses. No one thing is so important as to rid the South of that old spirit of sectionalism, which was the growth of slavery. The great effort of true statesmanship now must be to animate the South with a new life, which shall be thoroughly identified with the national life, and have a complete community of spirit with the North and the West. But this will be morally impossible if discriminations are to be kept up against the South, especially the extremest of all discriminations of not allowing it representation, and making it subject to laws in the framing of which it has had no part. That will be sure to beget a sense of most grievous oppression, and the result would inevitably be the intensest hatred, on the part of the Southern people, of those they deemed their oppressors. To shut they the eyes to this certainty is to be blind to American nature. Whatever the motive, the act is one of infatuation.

The South is now in its most impressible stage. All Southern men are waiting to see how Southern submission will be treated by the North. Of the fair and conciliatory disposition of President Johnson they are well satisfied. Yet he is but a single man. Of the spirit of the Northern people toward them they are still in doubt. Any unfriendly manifestation by Northern Senators and Representatives will be taken as proof that the Northern people have no desire again to fraternize with them, and mean only to be their masters. An unmistakably generous and magnanimous policy by Congress, in admitting their Representatives and burying the past, would soon overcome their last lingering resentment, and expunge the last trace of that sense of humiliation, which cannot exist without bitterness. A jealous and rigorous line of treatment would, on the other hand, soon congeal every better impulse of the Southern people into an inflexible determination to oppose and thwart the Government in every practicable way, and would perpetuate the spirit of sectionalism in its worst form for years, and perhaps generations.

Some say that the new loyalty of the South is still very defective — that it consists in profession mainly. We can hardly concede this to be exactly so; but if this Southern loyalty is yet immature, it is the very reason why it should be encouraged and strengthened. We have not a doubt that the predominant feeling in the Northern heart to-day toward the South is a yearning for complete reconciliation. It would be a blessed influence upon the Southern people if they could truly know this. But they cannot know it, except through the words and actions of Northern Congressmen. Let those Representatives look well to it that they do not give occasion for a misconception of the real spirit of the North. They cannot long continue to keep the gates of the capitol barred against all Southern representation without producing upon the Southern mind a most mischievous impression, that the North means not to be reconciled, but to domineer and degrade.

What harm can Southern representation do? Even supposing the worst, that it would be disaffected and factious, it would still form but a weak minority in either House; and even if it made an alliance with all the Democratic strength, the combined force would still be less than two-fifths of either body. The Thirty-ninth Congress, upon which devolves the completion of this work of reconstruction, has a magnificent Union strength, which no possible combination of malign elements can hinder from working its own high will. Let it trust to that strength, and be fearlessly generous. Let it admit, at an early day, into its bosom all the truly accredited Representatives of the Southern people, so that it shall have every facility to legislate intelligently and justly for the South, as well as for every other part of the land. This is what is imperatively demanded by the spirit of national concord and by every practical interest of the Union. No speculative dogma, or old resentment, ought to stand in the way of it.

The Library of Congress provides the photo of the U.S. Capitol
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delegation from the unknown

Henry J. Raymond, half-length portrait, three-quarters to the right (between 1844 and 1856; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/2004664185/)

Congressman Raymond as a young journalist

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch December 13, 1865:

Associated Press dispatches.
Congressional proceedings.

Washington, December12.

–Senate.–Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, offered a resolution, which was referred to the Judiciary Committee, declaring that whereas there is no longer rebellion in the limits of the United States, therefore the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is restored in every State.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the House resolution providing for the appointment of a joint committee of fifteen to inquire into the condition of the States which formed the so- called Confederacy, and report whether they, or any of them, are entitled to be represented in either House of Congress. The resolution was amended and passed — ayes, 33; nays, 11. The Senate then adjourned.

NY Times Decenber 13, 1865

NY Times Decenber 13, 1865

House of Representatives.The Speaker submitted a communication from the Governor Virginia, enclosing an act of the General Assembly in favor of the repeal of the act giving the consent of the Legislature of Virginia for forming the new State of West Virginia. Referred to the Judiciary Committee.

Mr. Raymond presented the credentials of the members elect from Tennessee.

Mr. Stevens objected, saying that the State of Tennessee was not known to the House.

The Speaker overruled the objection.

Mr. Raymond said there were many facts connected with Tennessee, past and present, which commended its case to the early consideration of the House.

Several gentlemen wanted the Tennessee members at once admitted, lauding them for their patriotism during the war.

The House referred their credentials to the joint committee of fifteen on the condition of the late Confederate States–yeas, 125; nays, 42.

Thaddeus Stevens, 1792-1868, half length portrait, seated, facing left; hand under chin (c.1898; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/2005686648/)

Tenne what?

A resolution was passed inviting the members elect from Tennessee to occupy seats in the Hall of Representatives. Pending the decision of their case, the House then adjourned.

From the day the Thirty-Ninth Congress assembled, it was clear the Republican majority harbored misgivings about what [President] Johnson had accomplished. Clerk of the House Edward McPherson omitted the names of newly elected Southern Congressmen as he called the roll, and the two Houses proceeded to establish a Joint Committee on Reconstruction to investigate conditions in the Southern states and report whether any were entitled to representation. (They also denied Southern claimants living expenses, leaving them, one remarked, the alternatives “go home or starve.”) To Johnson, these decisions in effect admitted that the South had actually left the Union, and many of his supporters spoke darkly of a Radical coup. Yet the Republican caucus had approved the Southerners’ exclusion by a nearly unanimous vote, and the committee’s membership was carefully balanced among the party’s factions. Moderate Sen. William Pitt Fesseden occupied the chair, while Sumner, considered “too ultra,” was left off entirely.[1]

  1. [1]Foner, Eric. Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877. New York: HarperPerennial, 2014. Updated Edition. Print. page 239.
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’cause the framers punted

After an eight month hiatus, the Richmond Daily Dispatch resumed publication 150 years ago today (albeit with no runaway slave classifieds):

Saturday…december 9, 1865.
The past and the present.

The Richmond Dispatch, which met a temporary suspension of its existence in the expiring names [flames?] of the recent Confederacy, is this morning restored to life. It is again endowed with the Promethean fire, and speaks to its readers as though it never lost its breath or its voice. Welcome it, “dear reader,” with the same kind and genial sensibilities which warm its own heart, and let there be established once more between it and thee the same confidential and affectionate relations which formerly existed, and which blessed, and rewarded all its toil, all its struggles, through the thorny and flinty way of journalism.

Convention at Philadelphia, 1787 (Hartford : Published by Huntington & Hopkins, 1823.; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/93515362/)

that three-fifths non-solution …

These Southern States have passed through an ordeal of trial and suffering seldom the lot of a generation of people. They entered upon a struggle, in which they failed, and in which these trials and sufferings were incurred. Unlike most rebellions, as they are called, especially when they have failed, those who undertook it were not merely a set of malcontents, recklessly resisting the clearly-defined political organisms of the country; they were fortified by a sense of rights under the Constitution and a conscientious conviction of the justice of their position, which had at least the semblance of support in the debates of our ancestors, who framed the Constitution itself under which the Republic was formed. Those truly great men left the question of the relations between the States and the General Government an open one. There were strong parties in the very convention which framed the compact of union upon the questions at issue touching those relations. The very able and patriotic men who figured in that body, after much debate, gave the question the goby; and while they failed to settle it themselves, they appointed no umpire to which it could be referred. They thus left us as a legacy a bitter and disastrous war — a war which was fought, and fought bravely, to its final conclusion. The South entered upon it with more unanimity and determination than has been known to characterize the resisting party in any civil war that we read of. It fought through it, under its sense of constitutional right, with a courage and constancy which has challenged the admiration of other nations. But the question thus submitted to the arbitrament of war, was decided against them, and they submitted, like brave men ever submit, to the fates, which all their fortitude and power cannot control. They were overwhelmed by superior numbers and resources, and succumbed after a resistance which vindicated the honesty and sincerity of their intentions. Their heroism has lately received a tribute that is alike honorable to the head and heart of the magnanimous commander-in-chief of the powerful armies they encountered in the field. Such a tribute is the most fitting rebuke — the most scathing denunciation — of those wretched attempts to dishonor the gallant dead who fell in hecatombs on the field in proof of the truth and sincerity of their devotion to the cause Regarding the result as the the question, those who so nobly perilled their lives in support of the principles they espoused, readily acquiesced, and submitted to the authority of the Federal Government, and order and quiet were instantly restored, in a country where the devastations of war and the exhausting exertions of defence against overwhelming odds, had reduced the people nearly to famine. The subsequent history we need not recount. The steady efforts of all the restore order, and the patient and cheerful manner in which a people reduced from the happiest independence to utter poverty, have undertaken to provide for immediate want and rebuild their fallen fortunes, constitutes one of the noblest examples in the history of mankind.

Constitutional Convention, Topeka, Kansas Territory [Topeka] ( Illus. in: Frank Leslie's illustrated newspaper, vol. 1, no, 1 (1855 Dec. 15), p. 16. ; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/99614006/)

… meant more to debate in Kansas

In this struggle the Dispatch took its part. It was honest and earnest; and does not mean to retreat, or, in the every day parlance, to crawfish from its position. It sympathised with the Confederacy, did all it could to cheer the hearts of the people in the struggle, and continued with it, and, we may say, fell with it in the calamitous fire of the 3d of April. Its voice was heard up to that hour. While the carrier conveyed its communications to the public in one part of the city, its types and presses were melting in the fires of another.

But like the noble people in the midst of whom it was published, and who it now addresses, it, too, accepts the situation and the clear decision of the trial of arms — of blood. It means to abide by the oath which its conductors have taken, and sustain the Government under which we now live. It feels, to-day, as though it had never been suspended — in fact, its seat at the round table of the fraternity has only been temporarily vacant — and it speaks as though only twenty-four hours had passed since its last appearance. It is true there is no war; but that was over, in fact, when it last appeared. It resumes its mission, then, before the war — which was to encourage and stimulate the improvement of Richmond and assist in the development of the resources of our dear old mother, Virginia. To these purposes it will bring all the energies of its improved and enlarged means and power; and hopes, in its day, to do some real service in this noble cause.

Renewing our expressions of gratification at once more holding communication with our dear friends of Richmond and Virginia, the Dispatch promises at once to direct all its influence to the promotion of their good. Nothing on this earth would make its conductors as to see our people safely and through that trying transition state in which they are now struggling, and it shall be our most enthusiastic occupation to try to facilitate their passage, dry shod, through this red sea of their difficulties. That our own townsmen and the good people of Virginia–God bless and preserve her!–may pass through their trials successfully, and become, is they deserve to be, prosperous and happy, the devout prayer of the Dispatch.

[Richmond, Va. Ruined buildings in the burned district] (1865; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/cwp2003000656/PP/)

Richmond buildings 1865

Rebuilding the city.

There is a great mistake prevailing with many people that all the money employed in rebuilding this city comes from the North, and very doleful prophecies are indulged upon this hypothesis concerning the future. We are sold! We are both bought and sold! and must wind up with general bankruptcy and poverty! Now, there is no use in this — no season for all this anticipation of evil. There a better and a truer view of the subject. The money employed in the active enterprise rebuilding this city is not all from the forth. Nearly all the very best buildings in progress of construction in this city are built on with the money of our own enterprising citizens. For, thank God! notwithstanding desolation which swept over the South, especially over this devoted city, some of Wisest and most far-seeing of our people a part of their means, and this they are using in the most enterprising and public-spirited manner. So that we are not entirely dependent on Northern capital — very from it. But what should we fear from Northern capitalists? We know that, commercially speaking, under the influence of transportation, by water and rail telegraphs, there is an inevitable concentration of commerce in the great cities and points of the Continent, and that all localities must be subsidiary and tributary to them, So that, do what we will, we cannot escape that subordinate relation. Now, since that is the case, what objection can we have to the drawing of capital from the commercial centre to build up and adorn our recently desolated and forlorn city? Money put in the bricks, in the stores and dwellings and public edifices of Richmond, cannot be easily taken away. At most, the proprietorship of the buildings can only be changed. The money remains in the buildings, and they are permanent — permanent places of business, permanent tenements to live comfortably in, permanent ornaments of the city. Not only, therefore, are we fortunate in having this borrowed capital to revive the city; but our good fortune will be increased precisely to the extent of the amount that may be so contributed from abroad to this important object.

There need be no fears on the subject. The more capital that is drawn thither, the greater the interest that will be felt by capitalists abroad in the general prosperity of this city. They would be unwilling to see their investments wholly unproductive, and their influence and means would, if necessary, be surely given for the promotion of that general commercial thrift which would contribute to their individual benefit.

So let us look ahead and be hopeful, assured that every dollar brought here and placed in the houses of Richmond, is a permanent investment, and a guarantee of the confidence felt in the future of the place, as well as an earnest of the disposition to aid in the promotion of its growth and welfare.

From the Library of Congress: Philadelphia, Topeka, Richmond. The Topeka Constitution was adopted in December 1855 by free-staters to counter a more pro-slavery territorial government.
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it was all worth it

The state of Kansas. By Samuel J. Crawford, Governor. Thanksgiving proclamation ... I Samuel J. Crawford, Governor of Kansas, do hereby appoint Thursday, December 7th, A. D. 1865, as a day of thanksgiving and prayer ... given under my hand and t (1865; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/rbpe.0200130a/)

less bleeding in Kansas

The war has been worth all that it cost the nation; the sacrifice has been great, but the benefit greater.

President Andrew Johnson proclaimed December 7, 1865 a national Day of Thanksgiving. I don’t know if the first part of the following article is an editorial or actually part of the “SERMON BY REV. J.R.W. SLOANE, THIRD REFORMED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, TWENTY-THIRD-STREET.”

From The New-York Times December 8, 1865:

The Abolition of Slavery the Chief Cause for Thanksgiving.

NY Times December 8, 1865

snowy Thanksgiving in the city (NY Times December 8, 1865)

The circumstances connected with our present Annual Thanksgiving are Greatly altered from those of the past four years. Then the dark cloud of civil war overhung our country. Jehovah was marching through the land in His anger, the pealm of thanksgiving mingle with the “braying discord” of arms and the “confused noise” of battle. The storm has passed, the last muttering thunders have died away, the bow appears in the clouds, the sunlight of peace is bright over all the recently-darkened land, the sword is being beaten into the plowshare and the spear into the pruning-hook, we hear no more “the sound of the trumpet, the alarm of war.” As Reformed Presley events, the sworn friends of civil and religious liberty, and the uncompromising foes of slavery in all its forms, we found cause of thanksgiving even in the terrible visitation of war. Not on its own account, not because we delighted in blood; God is our witness that we did not “desire the woful day.” In common with others we felt its burdens; we, too, mourned our dead; the sorrows of the nation were our sorrows, but because of the results that we foresaw must flow from this calamity in itself so dark and terrible. We have reason to rejoice that our judgment has been justified by the events, that out of the mouth of this eater has come forth meat, and from this strong one honey. “War is,” in the language of ROBERT HALL, “the garment of vengeance in which the Deity arrays himself when he comes forth to punish the inhabitants of the earth.” “It is the day of the Lord cruel both with wrath and fierce anger.” All this has been realized in our great struggle, it has cost us many millions of money, hundreds of thousands of noble and precious lives, and left behind it that train of evils which are its inevitable accompaniments. We cannot be sufficiently thankful that the ordeal is passed, the temple of Janus closed, and that we can now apply ourselves to the cultivation of the arts of peace and to healing the wound which war has made. The great blessing that has flowed to us from the late conflict is the destruction of slavery; it was only desirable that the Union should be preserved and the government saved, that it might be the defender of liberty. The war has been worth all that it cost the nation; the sacrifice has been great, but the benefit greater. How great a cause of thankfulness we have in the destruction of this wickedness, those only can realize who have formed a true conception of the system, and of its far-reaching and destructive influence. The war has taught the nation a lesson which it was slow to learn, but taught it effectually. The system is among the things of the past; and, although its effects may remain for many years “as the waves will continue to dash upon the shore long after the storm is down,” the institution has died or the deadly wound that our martyr President gave it in the Emancipation Proclamation and will be, as we trust, by the present Congress, buried out of sight and have its grave sealed forever. We who have borne reproach from our youth for opposition to this iniquity cannot repress our joy at its fall. We take up the language of exultation: “Rejoice over her thou heaven and ye holy apostles and prophets, for God hath avenged you on her. Let the old devotees of this Moloch cast dust upon their heads and cry Alas! alas! Our feelings are those of joy to hear the crash of its falling ruins, as it sinks into the abyss and goes down to the blackness of darkness forever.” We hope to leave our children in a country in which it will be no reproach to love liberty and hate slavery. The speaker then passed to the consideration of other topics, as grounds of thanksgiving, such as the wasting of the Mohammedan power in the East, the approaching termination of the temporal power of the Pope, the spread of liberal principles in all the nations of Europe, the rapid spread of the gospel, &c., &c. He then turned to a consideration of the method in which our thankfulness should be expressed.

SERMON BY REV. J.R.W. SLOANE, THIRD REFORMED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, TWENTY-THIRD-STREET. …

Thanksgiving anthem (1865; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/ihas.200001090/)

“Thanksgiving Anthem”

Thanksgiving proclamation. Commonwealth of Kentucky. Executive department ... Thursday the 7th day of December next has been set apart, by proclamation of the President of the United States, as a day of national thanksgiving ... Given under my h (1865; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/rbpe.02204200/)

Kentucky proclamation silent on slavery

________________________________________________

Thanks to Daily Observations from the Civil War I learned that I’m not the only Finger Lakes resident who thought a December Thanksgiving was a bit unique. Like NY City the weather was bad in Canandaigua. Miss Richards listened to a sermon that gave thanks for the end of the war, the preservation of the Union, and the abolition of slavery. Oysters and a big turkey for dinner.

From the Library of Congress: Kansas; anthem; Kentucky
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perpetual union still possible

In early December 1865 the 39th Congress convened and President Andrew Johnson sent the legislators his first annual message. A newspaper in Gotham was well-satisfied with the President’s report.

From The New-York Times December 6, 1865:

The President’s Message.

Probably no Executive document was ever awaited with greater interest than the Message transmitted to Congress yesterday. It is safe to say that none ever gave greater satisfaction when received. Its views, on the most momentous subjects, domestic and foreign, that ever concerned the nation, are full of wisdom, and are conveyed with great force and dignity.

President Andrew Johnson (full length, standing)  (between 1865 and 1880; LOC: v)

Union also still in one piece

In regard to reconstruction, the President begins by defining with great clearness the mutual relations of the constitution and the States. He shows that each is vital to the other, and that the theory that States can be extinguished would be fatal to the constitution. The military rule over the insurrectionary States was an exceptional condition, imposed by necessity, and is to be terminated just as soon as those States can be brought again into a harmonious working with the National Government For this end the government has diligently labored, and with such success, as the President believes, that now nothing remains to be done by the late erring States but the ratification of the Constitutional Amendment forever prohibiting slavery, as a pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace. It will then be for Congress to consummate the restoration by admitting the Southern Senators and Representatives who, in its high judgment, possess the necessary qualifications.

In regard to punishment for treason, the President urges the adoption of measures for the early resumption of all the functions of the Circuit Courts in the South, so as to secure impartial trials, and vindicate the principle that treason is a crime to be punished, and forever settle that no State has power to relieve its citizens of their obligations to the Union.

In regard to the freedmen, the President declares that the constitution gives the general government no power to prescribe the qualifications of the electors in the various States; yet he is free to recognize in the broadest terms its duty, in good faith, to take care that the freedmen should be secure in their liberty and their property, and their right to labor and a just return for their labor.

The President sets forth the unjust conduct of England in the war with great point, and yet with an entire avoidance of all calculated to irritate. His manner of treating it can hardly fail to rouse a feeling of shame in every manly British bosom. He advises no unfriendly resorts to obtain redress, but to wait patiently for the recognition of justice.

In respect to the foreign establishment of monarchy in Mexico, the President contents himself with affirming that the system of noninterference and mutual abstinence from propagandism is the true rule for the two hemispheres. He avoids all language having any appearance of menace, and believes that our principles have a moral force that must soon command acceptance. The correspondence between France on the subject, it is mentioned, will be laid before Congress “at the proper time.”

The Message [cl]osed with a brief but very impressive retrospect of the way in which our institutions have vindicated themselves from their first establishment, and with a recognition of the wonderful manner in which Providence has protected and magnified the nation. The whole document is one of which every American may well be proud, for its elevation of tone, its practical wisdom and its quiet exhibition of the national strength and glory. It will be admired not only at home, but cannot fail of making a most favorable impression all over the civilized world.

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hero as tour guide

Is there not a better future for these men also? The time will come when we shall at least cease to hate them.

In the summer of 1865 a correspondent visited Gettysburg two years after the great battle. His very long report was published 150 years ago this month. Here are some excerpts focusing mostly on John Lawrence Burns, the War of 1812 veteran who became known as “The hero of Gettysburg” for his actions on July 1, 1863.

From The Atlantic Monthly, VOL. XVI.—NOVEMBER, 1865.—NO. XCVII.

THE FIELD OF GETTYSBURG.

In the month of August, 1865, I set out to visit some of the scenes of the great conflict through which the country has lately passed. …

From Harrisburg, I went, by the way of York and Hanover, to Gettysburg. Having hastily secured a room at a hotel in the Square, (the citizens call it the “Di’mond,”) I inquired the way to the battle-ground.

“You are on it now,” said the landlord, with proud satisfaction,—for it is not every man that lives, much less keeps a tavern, on the field of a world-famous fight. “I tell you the truth,” said he; and, in proof of his words, (as if the fact were too wonderful to be believed without proof,) he showed me a Rebel shell imbedded in the brick wall of a house close by. (N. B. The battle-field was put into the bill.)

Gettysburg is the capital of Adams County: a town of about three thousand souls,—or fifteen hundred, according to John Burns, who assured me that half the population were Copperheads, and that they had no souls. It is pleasantly situated on the swells of a fine undulating country, drained by the headwaters of the Monocacy. It has no special natural advantages,—owing its existence, probably, to the mere fact that several important roads found it convenient to meet at this point, to which accident also is due its historical renown. The circumstance which made it a burg made it likewise a battle-field.

the "old hero of Gettysburg"

the “old hero of Gettysburg”

About the town itself there is nothing very interesting. It consists chiefly of two-story houses of wood and brick, in dull rows, with thresholds but little elevated above the street. Rarely a front yard or blooming garden-plot relieves the dreary monotony. Occasionally there is a three-story house, comfortable, no doubt and sufficiently expensive, about which the one thing remarkable is the total absence of taste in its construction. In this respect Gettysburg is but a fair sample of a large class of American towns, the builders of which seem never once to have been conscious that there exists such a thing as beauty.

John Burns, known as “the hero of Gettysburg,” was almost the first person whose acquaintance I made. He was sitting under the thick shade of an English elm in front of the tavern. The landlord introduced him as “the old man who took his gun and went into the first day’s fight.” He rose to his feet and received me with sturdy politeness,—his evident delight in the celebrity he enjoys twinkling through the veil of a naturally modest demeanor.

“John will go with you and show you the different parts of the battle-ground,” said the landlord. “Will you, John?”

“Oh, yes, I’ll go,” said John, quite readily; and we set out at once.

A mile south of the town is Cemetery Hill, the head and front of an important ridge, running two miles farther south to Round Top,—the ridge held by General Meade’s army during the great battles. The Rebels attacked on three sides,—on the west, on the north, and on the east; breaking their forces in vain upon this tremendous wedge, of which Cemetery Hill may be considered the point. A portion of Ewell’s Corps had passed through the town several days before, and neglected to secure that very commanding position. Was it mere accident, or something more, which thus gave the key to the country into our hands, and led the invaders, alarmed by Meade’s vigorous pursuit, to fall back and fight the decisive battle here?

With the old “hero” at my side pointing out the various points of interest, I ascended Cemetery Hill. The view from the top is beautiful and striking. On the north and east is spread a finely variegated farm country; on the west, with woods and valleys and sunny slopes between, rise the summits of the Blue Ridge. …

“It don’t look here as it did after the battle,” said John Burns. “Sad work was made with the tombstones. The ground was all covered with dead horses, and broken wagons, and pieces of shells, and battered muskets, and everything of that kind, not to speak of the heaps of dead.” But now the tombstones have been replaced, the neat iron fences have been mostly repaired, and scarcely a vestige of the fight remains. Only the burial-places of the slain are there. Thirty-five hundred and sixty slaughtered Union soldiers lie on the field of Gettysburg. This number does not include those whose bodies have been claimed by friends and removed.

The new cemetery, devoted to the patriot slain, and dedicated with fitting ceremonies on the 19th of November, 1863, adjoins the old one. …

I looked into one of the trenches in which workmen were laying foundations for the headstones, and saw the ends of the coffins protruding. It was silent and dark down there. Side by side the soldiers slept, as side by side they fought. I chose out one coffin from among the rest, and thought of him whose dust it contained,—your brother and mine, although we never knew him. I thought of him as a child, tenderly reared—for this. I thought of his home, his heart-life:—

“Had he a father?
       Had he a mother?
Had he a sister?
       Had he a brother?
Or was there a nearer one
Still, and a dearer one
       Yet, than all other?”

I could not know: in this world, none will ever know. He sleeps with the undistinguishable multitude, and his headstone is lettered, “Unknown.” …

Guided by the sturdy old man, I proceeded first to Culp’s Hill, following a line of breastworks into the woods. Here are seen some of the soldiers’ devices hastily adopted for defence. A rude embankment of stakes and logs and stones, covered with earth, forms the principal work; aside from which you meet with little private breastworks, as it were, consisting of rocks heaped up by the trunk of a tree, or beside a larger rock, or across a cleft in the rocks, where some sharpshooter stood and exercised his skill at his ease. …

Yet here remain more astonishing evidences of fierce fighting than anywhere else about Gettysburg. The trees in certain localities are all seamed, disfigured, and literally dying or dead from their wounds. The marks of balls in some of the trunks are countless. Here are limbs, and yonder are whole tree-tops, cut off by shells. Many of these trees have been hacked for lead, and chips containing bullets have been carried away for relics.

Past the foot of the hill runs Rock Creek, a muddy, sluggish stream, “great for eels,” said John Burns. Big boulders and blocks of stone lie scattered along its bed. Its low shores are covered with thin grass, shaded by the forest-trees. Plenty of Rebel knapsacks and haversacks lie rotting upon the ground; and there are Rebel graves in the woods near by. By these I was inclined to pause longer than John Burns thought it worth the while. I felt a pity for these unhappy men which he could not understand. To him they were dead Rebels, and nothing more; and he spoke with great disgust of an effort which had been made by certain “Copperheads” of the town to have all the buried Rebels, now scattered about in the woods and fields, gathered together in a cemetery near that dedicated to our own dead.

“Yet consider, my friend,” I said, “though they were altogether in the wrong, and their cause was infernal, these, too, were brave men; and under different circumstances, with no better hearts than they had, they might have been lying in honored graves up yonder, instead of being buried in heaps, like dead cattle, down here.”

Is there not a better future for these men also? The time will come when we shall at least cease to hate them.

The cicada was singing, insects were humming in the air, crows were cawing in the tree-tops, the sunshine slept on the boughs or nestled in the beds of brown leaves on the ground,—all so pleasant and so pensive, I could have passed the day there. But John reminded me that night was approaching, and we returned to Gettysburg. …

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. John L. Burns cottage. (Burns seated in doorway) (1863 Jult; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/cwp2003004781/PP/)

John L. Burns cottage

The next morning, according to agreement, I went to call on the old hero. I found him living in the upper part of a little whitewashed two-story house, on the corner of two streets, west of the town. A flight of wooden steps outside took me to his door. He was there to welcome me. John Burns is a stoutish, slightly bent, hale old man, with a light blue eye, a long, aggressive nose, a firm-set mouth, expressive of determination of character, and a choleric temperament. His hair, originally dark brown, is considerably bleached with age; and his beard, once sandy, covers his face (shaved once or twice a week) with a fine crop of silver stubble. A short, massy kind of man; about five feet four or five inches in height, I should judge. He was never measured but once in his life. That was when he enlisted in the War of 1812. He was then nineteen years old, and stood five feet in his shoes. “But I’ve growed a heap since,” said the old hero.

He introduced me to his wife, a slow, somewhat melancholy old lady, in ill health. “She has been poorly now for a good many years.” They have no children.

At my request he told me his story. He is of Scotch parentage; and who knows but he may be akin to the ploughman-poet whose “arrowy songs still sing in our morning air”? He was born and bred in Burlington, New Jersey. A shoemaker by trade, he became a soldier by choice, and fought the British in what used to be the “last war.” I am afraid he contracted bad habits in the army. For some years after the war he led a wandering and dissipated life. Forty years ago he chanced to find himself in Gettysburg, where he married and settled down. But his unfortunate habits still adhered to him, and he was long looked upon as a man of little worth. At last, however, when there seemed to be no hope of his ever being anything but a despised old man, he took a sudden resolution to reform. The fact that he kept that resolution, and still keeps it so strictly that it is impossible to prevail upon him to taste a drop of intoxicating liquor, attests a truly heroic will. He was afterwards a constable in Gettysburg, in which capacity he served some six years.

On the morning of the first day’s fight he sent his wife away, telling her that he would take care of the house. The firing was near by, over Seminary Ridge. Soon a wounded soldier came into the town and stopped at an old house on the opposite corner. Burns saw the poor fellow lay down his musket, and the inspiration to go into the battle seems then first to have seized him. He went over and demanded the gun.

“What are you going to do with it?” asked the soldier.

“I’m going to shoot some of the damned Rebels!” replied John.

He is not a swearing man, and the strong adjective is to be taken in a strictly literal, not a profane, sense.

Having obtained the gun, he pushed out on the Chambersburg Pike, and was soon in the thick of the skirmish.

“I wore a high-crowned hat, and a long-tailed blue; and I was seventy years old.”

The sight of so old a man, in such costume, rushing fearlessly forward to get a shot in the very front of the battle, of course attracted attention. He fought with the Seventh Wisconsin Regiment, the Colonel of which ordered him back, and questioned him, and finally, seeing the old man’s patriotic determination, gave him a good rifle in place of the musket he had brought with him.

“Are you a good shot?”

“Tolerable good,” said John, who is an old fox-hunter.

“Do you see that Rebel riding yonder?”

“I do.”

“Can you fetch him?”

“I can try.”

The old man took deliberate aim and fired. He does not say he killed the Rebel, but simply that his shot was cheered by the Wisconsin boys, and that afterwards the horse the Rebel rode was seen galloping with an empty saddle. “That’s all I know about it.”

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. McPherson's woods on left of the Chambersburg Pike (between 1861 and 1869; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/cwp2003004776/PP/)

McPherson’s woods – where John L. Burns fought on July 1, 1863

He fought until our forces were driven back in the afternoon. He had already received two slight wounds, and a third one through the arm, to which he paid little attention: “only the blood running down my hand bothered me a heap.” Then, as he was slowly falling back with the rest, he received a final shot through the leg. “Down I went, and the whole Rebel army ran over me.” Helpless, nearly bleeding to death from his wounds, he lay upon the field all night. “About sun-up, next morning, I crawled to a neighbor’s house, and found it full of wounded Rebels.” The neighbor afterwards took him to his own house, which had also been turned into a Rebel hospital. A Rebel surgeon dressed his wounds; and he says he received decent treatment at the hands of the enemy, until a Copperhead woman living opposite “told on him.”

“That’s the old man who said he was going out to shoot some of the damned Rebels!”

Some officers came and questioned him, endeavoring to convict him of “bushwhacking”; but the old man gave them little satisfaction. This was on Friday, the third day of the battle; and he was alone with his wife in the upper part of the house. The Rebels left, and soon after two shots were fired. One bullet entered the window, passed over Burns’s head, and struck the wall behind the lounge on which he was lying. The other shot fell lower, passing through a door. Burns is certain that the design was to assassinate him. That the shots were fired by the Rebels there can be no doubt; and as they were fired from their own side, towards the town, of which they held possession at the time, John’s theory was plainly the true one. The hole in the window, and the bullet-marks in the door and wall remain.

Burns went with me over the ground where the first day’s fight took place. He showed me the scene of his hot day’s work,—pointed out two trees, behind which he and one of the Wisconsin boys stood and “picked off every Rebel[Pg 622] that showed his head,” and the spot where he fell and lay all night under the stars and dew.

This act of daring on the part of so aged a citizen, and his subsequent sufferings from wounds, naturally called out a great deal of sympathy, and caused him to be looked upon as a hero. But a hero, like a prophet, has not all honor in his own country. There’s a wide-spread, violent prejudice against Burns among that class of the townspeople termed “Copperheads.” The young men, especially, who did not take their guns and go into the fight as this old man did, but who ran, when running was possible, in the opposite direction, dislike Burns. Some aver that he did not have a gun in his hand that day, and that he was wounded by accident, happening to get between the two lines. Others admit the fact of his carrying a gun into the fight, but tell you, with a sardonic smile, that his “motives were questionable.” Some, who are eager enough to make money on his picture, sold against his will, and without profit to him, will tell you in confidence, after you have purchased it, that “Burns is a perfect humbug.”

After studying the old man’s character, conversing both with his friends and enemies, and sifting evidence, during four days spent in Gettysburg, I formed my conclusions. Of his going into the fight, and fighting, there is no doubt whatever. Of his bravery, amounting even to rashness, there can be no reasonable question. He is a patriot of the most zealous sort; a hot, impulsive man, who meant what he said, when he started with the gun to go and shoot some of the Rebels qualified with the strong adjective. A thoroughly honest man, too, I think; although some of his remarks are to be taken with considerable allowance. His temper causes him to form immoderate opinions and to make strong statements. “He always goes beyant,” said my landlord, a firm friend of his, speaking of this tendency to overstep the bounds of calm judgment.

Statue of John Burns (the hero of Gettysburg), Pa. (between 1900 and 1906; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/det1994009294/PP/)

“He always goes beyant”

Burns is a sagacious observer of men and things, and makes occasionally such shrewd remarks as this:—

“Whenever you see the marks of shells and bullets on a house all covered up, and painted and plastered over, that’s the house of a Rebel sympathizer; but when you see them all preserved and kept in sight, as something to be proud of, that’s the house of a true Union man.”

Well, whatever is said or thought of the old hero, he is what he is, and has satisfaction in that, and not in other people’s opinions; for so it must finally be with all. Character is the one thing valuable. Reputation, which is a mere shadow of the man, what his character is reputed to be, is, in the long run, of infinitely less importance.

I am happy to add that the old man has been awarded a pension. …

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2nd Gettysburg (History of the World War, by Francis A. March and Richard J. Beamish)

Château-Thierry as second Gettysburg

From the Library of Congress: rocking chair; Burns’ home; woods; statue. The Chateau-Thierry photo can be found on page 547 of the pdf version at Project Gutenberg.
Posted in 150 Years Ago This Month, Aftermath, Civil War Cemeteries, Postbellum Society, Veterans | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

no malice, just fact

NY Times November 26, 1865

NY Times November 26, 1865

From The New-York Times November 26, 1865:

THE ANDERSONVILLE PRISON.; A Careful and Accurate Survey of the Place. Nature and Condition of the Surrounding Country.The Military Arrangements for the Care of Prisoners. Fearful Revelations of the Character of Their Treatment.Irresistible Evidence of Inhuman Treatment, Done by Order.A Repulsive Chapter that History Must Record. …

ANDERSONVILLE STOCKADE, GEORGIA, Tuesday, Oct. 31, 1865.

While we are merciful, we should not forget to be just. We must pour oil upon the troubled waters, and ointment on the yet suppurating wounds of the late wicked rebellion, but in our zeal to prosper as a body politic and get rich individually, we must not shut our eyes to the palpable, cogent lessons taught us by bitter experience. History must be impartially written, and to be honest, let us call things by their right names, and “nothing extenuate nor aught set down in malice.” From the lips of our fathers and mothers we were not taught to forget the sufferings of our soldiers at Valley Forge or on the British prison-ships. They told us the simple truth — conscience must decide thereafter. Of all the blood, bravery, patience, horror and death of this terrible war, nothing stands out in bolder relief, corroborative of “man’s inhumanity to man,” than the true history of Andersonville.

Innumerable have been the “eye-witness” accounts, explanations, counter-explanations, reports and histories of this noted spot. Much of what has been said concerning it, like “foreign correspondence” of unscrupulous journals, which is written in a rear sanctum, comes from hearsay. Having spent several days laboriously, accumulating facts and figures, I have arrived at as near an approximation to “the true state of the case” as one well can. Now that the Wirz trial has attracted the attention of the whole civilized world to Andersonville, its actual character and history should be preserved intact. … [full report]

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rheumatism antidote

Buying Thanksgiving turkey (between ca. 1910 and ca. 1915; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/ggb2005011259/)

“Buying Thanksgiving turkey” (Library of Congress)

From The Wit and Humor of America, Volume IV.

COMIN’ HOME THANKSGIVIN’

By James Ball Naylor

I’ve clean fergot my rheumatiz–
Hain’t nary limp n’r hobble;
I’m feelin’ like a turkey-cock–
An’ ready ‘most to gobble;
I’m workin’ spry, an’ steppin’ high–
An’ thinkin’ life worth livin’.
Fer all the children’s comin’ home
All comin’ home Thanksgivin’.

There’s Mary up at Darby Town,
An’ Sally down at Goshen,
An’ Billy out at Kirkersville,
An’ Jim–who has a notion
That Hackleyburg’s the very place
Fer which his soul has striven;
They’re all a-comin’ home ag’in–
All comin’ home Thanksgivin’.

Yes–yes! They’re all a-comin’ back;
There ain’t no ifs n’r maybes.
The boys’ll fetch the’r wives an’ kids;
The gals, th’r men an’ babies.
The ol’ place will be upside-down;
An’ me an’ Mammy driven
To roost out in the locus’ trees–
When they come home Thanksgivin’.

Thanksgiving (between ca. 1910 and ca. 1915; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/ggb2005014932/)

tykes

Fer Mary she has three ‘r four
Mis_chee_vous little tykes, sir,
An’ Sally has a houseful more–
You never seen the like, sir;
While Jim has six, an’ Billy eight–
They’ll tear the house to flinders,
An’ dig the cellar out in chunks
An’ pitch it through the winders.

The gals ‘ll tag me to the barn;
An’ climb the mows, an’ waller
All over ev’ry ton o’ hay–
An’ laugh an’ scream an’ holler.
The boys ‘ll git in this an’ that;
An’ git a lickin’–p’r’aps, sir–
Jest like the’r daddies used to git
When _they_ was little chaps, sir.

But–lawzee-me!–w’y, I won’t care.
I’m jest so glad they’re comin’,
I have to whistle to the tune
That my ol’ heart’s a-hummin’.
An’ me an’ Mammy–well, we think
It’s good to be a-livin’,
Sence all the children’s comin’ home
To spend the day Thanksgivin’.

Home to Thanksgiving (by Currier & Ives, c.1867; LOC: http://www.loc.gov/item/2002695889/)

All comin’ home Thanksgivin’

I played The Guns of Will Sonnett card again. It seems that the first couple paragraphs of The Times’ are relevant today with our discussions of the proper use of the Confederate battle-flag and other monuments. From the Library of Congress: turkey, maskers, Currier & Ives c1867. Never knew about Thanksgiving maskers until yesterday.
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