patriotic rags

and earn a good (Confederate) dollar

150 years ago this week a Richmond newspaper was offering top dollar for the material necessary for its publication.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch April 22, 1863:

Rags! Rags!! Rags!!!

–The highest market price will be paid at this Office for all kinds of cotton and Linen Rags, in large or small quantities. Bring them in without delay.

And the Dispatch certainly tried to keep the home-front fired up for the war effort. It seems that it was irresistible to compare the Southern rebellion to the American Revolution. Who wouldn’t want fight a pampered despot?

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch April 23, 1863:

A Picture of Lincoln drawn from an old Gallery.

–Edmund Burke, while Great Britain was prosecuting the war against the American colonies, wrote the following to the Sheriffs of Bristol:

“The poorest being that crawls on earth, contending to save himself from injustice and oppression, is an object respectable to God and man. But I cannot conceive any existence under heaven (which in the depths of its wisdom tolerates all sorts of things,) that is more truly odious than an impotent, helpless creature, without civil wisdom or military skill; without a consciousness of any qualification for power; calling for battles which he is not to fight; contending for a violent dominion be can never exercise, and satisfied to be himself miserable in order to make others wretched.”

As the Newseum points out:

Before the 1880s, manufacturers made newspapers from cotton and linen rags boiled to a pulp, spread into a mold and dried between pieces of felt. These newspapers have a slightly thick texture and may feel rough to the touch. Due to the molding process, the edges of the paper are sometimes imperfect.

Depending on the purity of the rags, old newsprint usually appears white, cream or gray in color. There were times when cotton or linen materials were in short supply, and manufacturers printed on “necessity” paper such as wallpaper, cornhusks, lined notepaper or other suitable material.

Around 1880 wood pulp became the predominant material used to make newspapers.

President Abraham Lincoln posed with Union officers and soldiers during his visit to Antietam, Maryland, October 3, 1862 (by Alexander gardner, 1862; LOC: LC-USZ62-8118)

His Highness at Antietam

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Wily Yankee Propaganda?

Falmouth, Va. Aides de camp to Gen. Joseph Hooker: Capts. William L. Candler, Harry Russell, and Alexander Moore (by Timothy H. o'Sullivan,  1863 April; LOC: LC-DIG-cwpb-04042)

all dressed up and nowhere to go? – General Hooker’s aides de camp in April 1863

Here a Richmond paper tries to make sense of various prognostications coming out of the Northern press.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch April 22, 1863:

The wait and Watch System.

Several Federal journals intimate that no active hostilities on their part need be expected this spring, but that the North will stand on the defensive till autumn. Various reasons are assigned for this important modification of the “short-sharp, and decisive” It is alleged that the two years men, embracing a large number of their most efficient soldiers, will soon be discharged, and that their army generally is not in a condition to the aggressive, whilst the Southern army, on the other hand was never in a more efficient state, both as regards discipline and numbers. It is further asserted that the raise [rains?] and bad roads of this season in the South forbid a spring campaign, whilst summer operations, they have learned by experience are not to be thought of. During the summer they can gather in and drill their new conscripts, and by autumn be prepared to take the field once more and crush the rebellion. In the meantime their great hope is that the South will suffer from want of food and be so financially strangulated that, when the hour of battle comes we shall not be able to stand up against the over whelming masses of the enemy. They profess, also, to believe that, rather than wants [waste?] the interval in inaction, we shall attack them in their strongholds, when they will have all the advantages of a defensive position, and we shall suffer as they have whenever they have been the assailants.

President Lincoln reviewing the Army of the Potomac on Monday, April 6, 1863 (by edwin Forbes, 1863 Apr. 6;  LOC: LC-DIG-ppmsca-19523)

the best offense is a good defense? – President Lincoln reviews the Army of the Potomac in early April 1863

Whether a particle of confidence ought to be placed in these prognostications, we leave to those who can see through the murky waters of Yankee deception to the bottom, to decide. Our Government and our Generals understand too thoroughly the army [?], tortuous ways of Yankeedom, to be put off their guard. All this may be only a prelude to some sudden and desperate rush of the Federal armies at a vital point of the Confederacy. It is impossible for us to put faith in anything these people say. It seems improbable that, if they intended to remain inactive during the spring and summer, they would inform us of it. Their real object, therefore, may be to full [lull?] us into a dream of security, and spring upon us as we sleep. If, however, their armies are so disorganized and demoralized that they cannot push on till next fall, what becomes of the late emphatic declarations of the New York Tribunes, that if the rebels were not conquered in three months, the North might as well give up the contest; and the threat of the Herald, that unless the rebellion were crushed before fall, Lincoln and his Cabinet ought to be impeached? Can the North afford to wait five or six months, with an enormous debt rolling up mountain high every day, on the fragile hope that the South will be starved or whipped out next fall? What reason have they to calculate on the South being starved out? Even if our condition were now as close on the borders of famine as their journals represent, how do they know but the same beneficent Providence which has hither to go [so?] interposed wonderfully in our behalf will not crown the labors of our husbandmen with plenty, and give us abundant harvests? As to their congesting us by any other mode than starvation, we do not believe they themselves after the experience of the past have the slightest confidence in such an achievement. If they wait till fall they need not expect that the North will be the only party prepared for the conflict. The South will avail itself of every hour of the interval to multiply its means of defence, till every hillside becomes a [?], and every valley a valley of the shadow of death to the invaders.

The press did not like price speculation (below the fold), but it sure did a lot of its own kind.

But it was true that some two-year regiments in the Union were scheduled to be mustered out at the end of May.

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Where’s that draft?

Right on Time

According to this editorial Congress did a great job timing the implementation of the Enrollment Act because it takes time to set up a new bureaucracy. If there is an emergency in the meantime, the volunteer spirit in the North will come to the rescue.

From The New-York Times April 18 1863:

When Will the Draft Be Enforced ?

It seems to have been contemplated by the framers of the Conscription act of the late Congress that it w[o]uld not be possible to arrange all the details for putting it in operation before the 1st of July next. The 10th section of the act provides that the general enrollment of the militia for the purpose of drafting “shall only embrace those whose ages shall be, on the first day of July thereafter between twenty and forty-five years.” And the 11th section provides that “all persons thus enrolled shall be subject for two years after the first of July succeeding the enrollment, to be called into the military service of the United States, and to continue in service for three years or during the war.” It seems from this reading that persons liable to military duty under the Conscription act, cannot be called into the service previously to the “first of July.”

It appears from the Washington correspondence of an evening co[n]temporary, that this clause in the eleventh section of the act is considered by some an inadvertence, and a very unfortunate one, as causing an unnecessary delay in the raising of troops by conscription. But the fixing of the 1st of July for the beginning of liability to do military service was not an oversight. It was a matter of deliberate calculation, as the 10th section of the act clearly proves; for that section fixes the 1st of July as the date from which the years of age are to be reckoned that begin and limit the period of liability to military service. It is evident from sections 10 and 11, that the lawmakers meant to date the beginning of Conscript Service from July 1.

It is not at all clear to us that any needless delay in raising troops by draft will occur from the provision of the Conscript act in question. It is an enormous labor to enroll the militia of a great nation. It cannot be done in one month, nor in two. It is a month and a half since the act was passed, and yet, in all that time the War Department has not been able to fix upon suitable agents to execute the law in the various States. The district provost-marshals and enrolling boards are not yet appointed, though we learn that the list is nearly complete, and will be announced in a few days. It will certainly require a longer time for the Board of Enrol[l]ment in every district to number the people subject to military duty than has been consumed in their own selection and appointment. Our experience in this City, last Fall, where an enrollment commenced in September was not completed till late in November, teaches us what a cumbrous and dragging work it is. If the enrolling Boards are appointed, organized, and ready to begin their duties by the 1st of May, it will be as much as we expect. Give them only six weeks for the completion of their herculean labors, and we shall have the lists prepared for drafting not before the middle of June. Suppose the draft to take place instantly, the act allows the drafted men ten days before they are required to report for duty. In this time they may procure substitutes, or close up their business and prepare to take the field. It thus appears, that under the most energetic and expeditious execution of the act that is possible, it must necessarily be the last week of June before troops can be obtained under it. The fixing of the 1st day of July for the beginning of its operative power to put men in the field is, therefore, not a blunder, but a careful and successful calculation to make available every day of the duration of the act, for the national defence.

We do not anticipate any great emergency that will call for reinforcements of the armies in the field before the Conscript act can yield them. If there should, however, be a crisis demanding extraordinary efforts to meet the enemy, the volunteer spirit of the country would be equal to the emergency, as it has been time and again heretofore.

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General Scott’s Monster

Civil War envelope showing portrait of Lieutenant General Winfield Scott in front of eagle and American flag banner with message "The right man in the right place!" (Wells, corner Park Row and Beekman Street, c1861.; LOC: LC-DIG-ppmsca-34625)

In 1863 still inspiring the loyal (1861 envelope)

It had been about a year and a half since retired general Winfield Scott left Washington and headed for New York by train. 150 years ago today he presided over a grand Union meeting at Madison Square in New York City. Henry J. Raymond gave a fired up speech about persevering in the to preserve liberty for the country and the hope of liberty for the whole world.

From The New-York Times April 21, 1863:

LEAGUE FOR THE UNION.; MONSTER MASS MEETING. Fifty Thousand People Shouting for the Union. LIEUT.-GENERAL SCOTT PRESIDES. The Old Hero Wrapped in the American Flag. Addresess by George Bancroft, John Van Buren, [H]enry J. Raymond, … The Greatest and Most Enthusiastic Gathering Even Held in New-York. MUSIC, CANNONS, FLAGS AND CHEERS. …

The largest popular gathering ever held in this City met yesterday afternoon at and around Madison-square, in response to the call of the Loyal League of Union citizens, issued by its President, Lieut.-Gen. WINFIELD SCOTT, U.S.A.

The day was rather unpropitious. Dark rain-clouds hung over the City, and clouds of dust whistled windily through the streets; but denser than the former, and more enthusiastically restless than the latter, were the “clouds of witnesses” which by scores of thousands swarmed in front of the Fifth-avenue Hotel to shout Amen to every patriotic sentitiment, and cheer with hearty voice each testimony of fealty to the land of the free and the home of the brave. …

Four stands were erected, from which, as will be seen in the following report, distinguished gentlemen addressed the vast crowd, which excelled in numbers as it did in enthusiasm any ten political meetings held in this City during the past ten years. The presence of Gen. SCOTT, doubtless, drew many to the square who, on ordinary occasions, avoid crowds and prefer to read, rather than listen to speeches, and that their hearts were cheered by the sight of the aged soldier, and that they were amply repaid for their trouble, and duly imbued with the spirit of the occasion, was most clearly and unmistakeably evinced by the continued ebullition of enthusiastic cheerings, shoutings and hurrahings which rang forth again, and again, and again.

The American colors, in every possible shape, floated gaily from flagstaffs, from long lines stretched across the street, and ornamented all sides of Stand No. 1, from which Dodworth’s Band discoursed the national airs, and in front of which as many as could get within hearing distance were assembled. The coup d’oeil was strikingly beautiful from this point, embracing as it did the entire front of the Fifth-avenue Hotel and the crowds congregated up and down Fifth-avenue, Broadway and Twenty-third-street. At precisely 4 o’clock, the Chairman and distinguished guests came forth from the hotel …

The great Union meeting in Union Square, New York, April 20, 1861 (E. Anthony, 501 Broadway, 1861, April 20; LOC: LC-DIG-stereo-1s02499)

Union Square 4-20-1861

Hon. HENRY J. RAYMOND was next introduced, and addressed the meeting as follows:

FELLOW-CITIZENS: It is impossible to look upon this vast mass of the intelligent citizens of New-York, assembled to renew their devotion — to renew a declaration of their allegiance to our common country — without feeling the profoundest conviction that, whatever else may fail, the courage, the loyalty and the determination of the American people to rescue their nation will not fail, now or hereafter. [Applause.] We who are here assembled can recall, without doubt, the scene presented, two years ago to-day, near this very spot. When then we assembled at the first call of our country, at the first announcement of the dangers that surrounded us. At the first trumpet peal that the American arm was needed to rescue American liberty from the peril that overhung it, we came together because the capital of our country was in danger, because that capital with the Liberty that it symbolized, all the glory that had alighted upon our flag in the years that had passed, all the hopes we cherished for our children in the years to come, seemed likely to sink forever in the ocean of Rebellion. We assembled then, and in the presence, of high Heaven vowed that the nation should live, and that all that threatened its existence should perish. [Applause.] And from that day to this, we here, our brethren on the field of battle, loyal hearts from the Atlantic to the Pacific, have been making good that vow, taken here and registered in Heaven above. And now what a contrast is presented to-day, to the picture that was presented to us! Then, as I have already said, the rebel enemies of liberty threatened our Capital; they beleaguered the Senate-house, they overawed our Government, they held everything south of the Potomac, they held Missouri, they held Kentucky, they held the Great Mississippi — every Southern State was in their hands. And now see how the tide of rebellion has been rolled onward toward the Gulf. See how little remains to them of the territory they then possessed! See what occasion we have for rejoicing at the successes already achieved, and the determination of our people to stand by the flag and rescue it from all the dangers that hang around it. [Applause.] We have come here to-day to renew those vows, to protest again, in the face of high Heaven, that, come weal or come woe, whether it be one year or ten years, whether it be now or through all time to come, the liberties of the American people shall live forever. [Enthusiastic cheering.] We have have had to contend with a gigantic rebellion that assumed proportions never before seen on the face of the earth. I take it upon me to say that there is not a crowned head in Europe; there is not a Government on the face of the earth based on privilege, that could have stood against this rebellion one year of trial and struggle; and yet here the American people are not only standing against it, but are growing stronger by the contest. [Applause.] We are to-day stronger in every respect — stronger in men, stronger in money, stronger in the courage of loyal hearts, stronger in determination of purpose — than we were the day this rebellion broke out. [Applause.] We shall grow stronger until the contest is over; and the reason is this: our Government rests on the hearts and the will of the people — it protects the rights of the people — it is engaged in a contest for the liberties of the people — and, so long as human right, human liberty, all that is dear to man struggling for self-government, retain their place in the American heart, so long shall we grow stronger by the contest that we wage for their maintenance. [Applause.] We grow stronger because our cause is just, and because it is the cause of the people — because it is our cause. How is it that we thus grow stronger than those against whom we contend? While we grow stronger in the material of war, stronger in the courage of loyal hearts, every breeze that comes to us from the South tells of famine and suffering, and exhaustion and discouragement — and, behind all that, rely upon it, there are loyal hearts there, yet held down by the military power, that breathe night and day a fervent prayer for a return to the old Union which gave them all their prosperity, and in which alone can they have any hope for the future. [Cheers.] Crushed to earth as are these loyal hearts, silenced in death as these loyal voices may be, rely upon it, when we once crush the military power of the Southern Confederacy, we shall have an easy path to the affections of the Southern people. [Renewed cheering.] It is idle to talk of peace until that has been done. [A voice — “That’s so.”] Everybody sees now that this is so. Last Fall it was common to hear talk of reconciliation, of compromise, of measures of peace, of the olive branch going with the sword. Now, I think as much of the olive branch as any one; I pray as fervently as any man on the American soil for the return of peace, but only peace with honor, and peace with the preservation of the liberties of the American people. [Applause.] We can stand war, we can stand suffering, we can stand a contest of years. There is but one thing we cannot stand, and that is dishonor, the destruction of this great American nation, the prostration of the liberties of the American people, the blotting out of these Stars and Stripes, and the glorious hopes which they carry round the world. [Applause.] Up to this day, to what have the nations of the Old World looked for hope and deliverance from their oppressions? What flag on the face of the earth challenges their affections and enjoys their hearts’ loyalty? Let the downtrodden on the furthest point of our planet be asked to what nation he looks as the model of his ideal of government, the guerdon of his hopes — where is it that he looks for peace in the future — what flag does he worship in his heart of hearts, and he tells of none but the glorious Stars and Stripes under which he hopes to find a refuge. Everywhere, by one and all, we are recognized as the only nation resting on the basis of popular rights, aiming to secure popular liberties for all the nations of the earth. This Government has been an experiment, endeavoring to decide whether a great nation can be built up powerfully enough to maintain itself against the world, and free enough to give every individual citizen the full enjoyment of his rights, and a full and perfect voice in the conduct of that Government. This rebellion strikes at the existence not only of this experiment, but of the liberty which it is intended to establish. Strike down this flag, break up this Government, prostrate this nation, and kings and aristocrats will forever after trample unfettered on the necks of all the people on the face of the earth. [Applause.] It is that that gives courage and heart and determination to the American people in this great contest; it is that, which nerves our hearts and our arms and leads us to proclaim here, everywhere, and forever, our purpose to vindicate the liberties of our Government, and to crush that rebellion which threatens their extinction. Whether it be in two or ten years from now, that liberty shall live forever, to the eternal destruction of its foes. [Applause.] I do not know, fellow-citizens, whether there are any here who feel discouraged at the slow progress, as they call it, of the war. If there are, I beg them to bear in mind, that war is not an extempore affair. A war of two great people — twenty millions against eight — is not to be settled in a hurry; it is not a thing for which preparation can be made in a hurry; it is a war requiring the combined energies and thoughts, and studies and experience, of the best men of the whole country for a long time to get ready, and for a longer time to carry into execution the plan they have formed; and like everything else human, it is subject to accidents, to contingencies, it is subject to blunders — blunders will oc[c]our in this, as in everything else. The only thing is, to keep steadily at it until it is accomplished. [Applause.] Whatever else may fall, if our courage does not fail, the end is sure. Let us, then, discountenance forever, here and elsewhere, all thoughts of discouragement, all pretence that the war is not making the progress that it ought. …

Unsurprisingly, Henry Raymond’s newspaper had only positive things to say about the meeting. From The New-York Times April 21, 1863:

The Great Meeting Yesterday.

If immense numbers, irrepressible enthusiasm and eloquent oratory ever gave impressiveness and complete success to any public demonstration, it was realized at Madison-square yesterday. As an expression of patriotic spirit and purpose, it was all that the most sanguine could hope or the most distrustful desire. We were about to term the demonstration a new uprising, but that would hardly be right; for, since the first, there has been no actual sinking. This is, rather, a new emerging from the clouds, and the loyalty of the people again beams out as resplendent as ever. It is a glorious inauguration of the third year of the war. It demonstrates what no man of clear insight ever doubted — that the heart of the people, however overshadowed by disappointments, and disturbed by the arts of faction, still remains essentially staunch and true. Even those who have had the most misgiving ought now to take fresh assurance that the cause of the Republic is safe beyond all contingency; for it is certain that, under a gracious Providence, so long as the spirit of the mighty North thus continues unextinguished, the old flag is sure of final triumph.

When that triumph shall come it would be presumptuous to predict. All wars have their strange vicissitudes. Yet that is but a minor matter. The great thing is that it is proved we have a public spirit that can defy every vicissitude. EDMUND BURKE said, in his dying chamber, in reference to the great struggle with France: “Never succumb to the enemy; it is a struggle for your existence as a nation; and if you must die, die with the sword in your hand; but I have no fears whatever for the result. There is a salient, living principle of energy in the public mind of England, which only requires proper direction to enable her to withstand this or any other ferocious foe. Persevere, therefore, till this tyranny be overpast.” BURKE knew the race and he reckoned rightly. England did persevere, the salient, living principle of energy failed not; and eighteen years after these words were uttered, they received their crowning verification on the field of Waterloo. A year more or less, or even a decade more or less, is nothing, as measured against the mighty career a nation insures for itself by fidelity through sad trials, to the end. The great body of our people, all through the North, are thus attesting their fidelity. The memory of it will be cherished with gratitude and praise by untold generations.

I was surprised that some in the crowd were unimpressed by General Scott:

US Postage stamp, Winfield Scott, issue of 1870, 24c, purple

“a capital figure-head”

FROM A DIARY.

IT was a good meeting this afternoon in Madison Square, although the air was chilly and the sky threatening. Scott made a capital figure-head; but how utterly factitious the enthusiasm for the old gentleman is! In consideration of his unquestioned [s]ervices we agree to treat him as if we thought him a great man, for somebody must play that part. No king in the world looks so well as Scott did, dressed in full black with a broad blue ribbon, and bowing his towering white head to the crowd. …

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arms control

"Frederick Douglass appealing to President Lincoln and his cabinet to enlist Negroes," mural by William Edouard Scott, at the Recorder of Deeds building, built in 1943. 515 D St., NW, Washington, D.C. (photo by Carol M. Highsmith, 2010; LOC: LC-DIG-highsm-09902)

“Frederick Douglass appealing to President Lincoln and his cabinet to enlist Negroes,” mural by William Edouard Scott

Back on April 9th Seven Score and Ten published an interesting article by Frederick Douglass that encouraged black men to enlist in the Union army. Here’s part of it.

From the Douglass’ Monthly April 1863:

WHY SHOULD A COLORED MAN ENLIST?

This question has been repeatedly put to us while raising men for the 54th Massachusetts regiment during the past five weeks, and perhaps we cannot at present do a better service to the cause of our people or to the cause of the country than by giving a few of the many reasons why a colored man should enlist.

First. You are a man, although a colored man …

Fourth. You should enlist to learn the use of arms, to become familiar with the means of securing, protecting and defending your own liberty. A day may come when men shall learn war no more, when justice shall be so clearly apprehended, so universally practiced, and humanity shall be so profoundly loved and respected, that war and bloodshed shall be confined only to beasts of prey. Manifestly however, that time has not yet come, and while all men should labor to hasten its coming, by the cultivation of all the elements conducive to peace, it is plain that for the present no race of men can depend wholly upon moral means for the maintenance of their rights. Men must either be governed by love or by fear. They must love to do right or fear to do wrong. The only way open to any race to make their rights respected is to learn how to defend them. When it is seen that black men no more than white men can be enslaved with impunity, men will be less inclined to enslave and oppress them. Enlist therefore, that you may learn the art and assert the ability to defend yourself and your race.

This paragraph made me think of 238 years ago today when the first shots were fired between British soldiers and colonial militia. The British sought to capture the American rebel military supplies:

On April 19, 1775, British and American soldiers exchanged fire in the Massachusetts towns of Lexington and Concord. On the night of April 18, the royal governor of Massachusetts, General Thomas Gage, commanded by King George III to suppress the rebellious Americans, had ordered 700 British soldiers, under Lieutenant Colonel Francis Smith and Marine Major John Pitcairn, to seize the colonists’ military stores in Concord, some 20 miles west of Boston.

 This is a photograph of the statue representing Captain John Parker sculpted by Henry Hudson Kitson and erected in 1900. This statue in Lexington, Massachusetts is commonly called "The Lexington Minuteman."

“You should enlist to learn the use of arms, to become familiar with the means of securing, protecting and defending your own liberty”

I also thought of the letter from a South Carolina woman after Lincoln’s election. Plantation owners were afraid of a “a negro insurrection”. To protect themselves from slave vengeance, masters were “sleeping upon our arms at night”

The photo of the minuteman at Lexington is licensed by Creative Commons.

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Absent Without a Vote

I guess it really is going to be a long war. Here’s an editorial by a Republican-leaning paper urging the New York state government to do whatever it took to let soldiers “vote by proxy” for the 1864 elections.

From The New-York Times April 18, 1863:

The Soldier’s Right to Vote.

We trust our State Legislature will lose no time in taking steps so to amend the Constitution as to permit citizens of the State, while absent in the military service of the nation, to [v]ote by proxy. The required amendment can be passed by this Legislature, — and also by the next; and can then be submitted to the popular vote soon enough to secure to our soldiers in the field the exercise of their right of suffrage in the Presidential canvass of November, 1864. It is due to them and to the country, that they should have this right: and the Union men of our Legislature should see to it that nothing is left undone which they can do to secure it to them.

Gov. SEYMOUR, in his recent Message to the Legislature, gives that body distinctly to understand that he shall veto a law conferring upon soldiers the right to vote except in person, in the election district where they reside. He regards such a law as unconstitutional. We do not doubt the sincerity of his convictions upon this point. It certainly is not free from doubt, and many of the soundest and ablest lawyers in the Republican party agree with Gov. SEYMOUR in his opinion. Nevertheless, if the majority of the members of the Legislature believe that such a law would be constitutional, let them, pass it — and then let Gov. SEYMOUR, acting upon his convictions of public duty, return it with his objections. Both will then have, done their duty, and each branch of the Government will bear only the responsibility which devolves upon it.

But the measure itself ought not to be defeated by the conflict of opinion between the Governor and the Legislature. The soldier should not be deprived of his right to vote in consequence of such a collision. If it can be secured to him by a simple law, very well; but if not, then let it be secured by an amendment of the Constitution. The Governor has pledged himself to approve such a measure; let him not be enabled to throw the responsibility of its defeat upon the Legislature.

As it turned out New York and 18 other Northern states allowed absentee ballots for their soldiers in 1864.[1]

  1. [1]McPherson, James M. The Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. New York: Ballantine Books, 1989. Print. page 804.
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The greenbacks are coming!

Last year I wondered how a local newspaper could know very accurately how much money was being sent home by Union volunteers. Apparently much of the money was funneled through a soldier’s captain, and the captain told the press.

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper in April 1863:

CAPT. MCDONALD, of the 50th regiment, writes that at the last pay-day his company placed $4,000 in his hands, to be sent to their family and friends at home. Three-fourths of this sum was sent to Seneca Falls.

According to Measuring Worth the value of $4,000 today could range from $60,200.00 to $7,920,000.00 depending on how you calculate it. the site calculates that the purchasing power today would be $73,900.00.

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“cancel my signature”

From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Six:

ON COLONIZATION ARRANGEMENTS
REPUDIATION OF AN AGREEMENT WITH BERNARD KOCK

APRIL 16, 1863. A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, TO ALL TO WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME, GREETING:

Know ye that, whereas a paper bearing date the 3rd day of December last, purporting to be an agreement between the United States and one Bernard Kock for immigration of persons of African extraction to a dependency of the Republic of Haiti, was signed by me on behalf of the party of the first part; but whereas the said instrument was and has since remained incomplete in consequence of the seal of the United States not having been thereunto affixed; and whereas I have been moved by considerations by me deemed sufficient to withhold my authority for affixing the said seal:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby authorize the Secretary of State to cancel my signature to the instrument aforesaid.

Done at Washington, this sixteenth day of April, A.D. 1863.

A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

Bernard Kock’s scheme to colonize Cow Island(Ile A’Vache) off the coast of Haiti with freed slaves to grow cotton caught the attention of Haiti’s president, Fabre Geffrard, who wanted to develop “a true middle class using black immigrants from America”. President Lincoln was also interested in Kock’s plan because he considered colonization a possible avenue for freed slaves. The Disunion blog discusses Kock’s deal with the president in an analysis of Lincoln’s views on colonization. Apparently the president actually signed the Haiti contract either late on December 31, 1863 or the next morning shortly before the Emancipation Proclamation was issued.

You can read an account of the Cow Island Experiment at Thompson Family History. The piece is written by a descendant of Bernard Kock.

By December 1863 it was obvious that the plan had failed. In late December a ship sent by President Lincoln picked up the surviving “colonists”.

You can view Bernard Kock’s proposal to the president at American Memory. It is dated October 1, 1862.

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Killed in the Jungle

louisiana-swamp-soldier Harper's Weekly, May  9, 1863

Swamps of Louisiana

There were several engagements as Union general Nathaniel Banks led his army in a round-about way through the bayous of Louisiana to eventually get at Port Hudson on the Mississippi. I’m confused about the dates. And I was even more confused when I read the following because although it is written that a battle was fought at Vermillion Bayou on April 17th, the two soldiers in this story were killed on April 12th.

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper in 1863:

Two of Our Brave Boys Fallen.

The list of casualties from the battle fought by Gen. Banks at Vermillionville, La., includes among the killed, Monroe Smith, son of Jared Smith, of Romulus, and Austin Bradley, son of Burr Bradley, of Scott’s Corners. These brave boys enlisted in the summer of 1861, and have endured the toils and withstood the danger of war for nearly two years, to fall at length side by side, while nobly fighting for that country whose honor they had sworn to maintain, and in whose cause they had offered their lives. They were the only ones in the 75th Regiment, N.Y.V., reported killed in that engagement. – Ovid Sentinel.

Austin Bradley

Austin Bradley

Monroe Smith

J. Monroe Smith

Organized in November 1861, the 75th New York Infantry Regiment was first sent to Fort Pickens on Santa Rosa Island to oppose the Confederates at Pensacola. The regiment moved to New Orleans in September 1862.

The second half of Cayuga in the Field (by Henry hall and James Hall) recounts the exploits of the 75th.On page 94 the area around Fort Bisland is described as a jungle.

The image of picket duty in the swamps was published in the May 9, 1863 issue of Harper’s Weekly, which can be viewed at Son of the South

By 1860 the “Three Bears” of Ovid, New York had been completed.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seneca_County_Courthouse_Complex_at_Ovid

Austin Bradley and Monroe Smith joined up in Ovid – home of the Three Bears

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“poor Barney McGraw”

Map showing Louisiana Battles in the American Civil War (http://www.nps.gov/history/hps/abpp/battles/LAmap.htm)

Battle at Fort Bisland

Union General Nathaniel Banks mission was to capture Port Hudson, Louisiana. His army was opposed by Confederates led by Richard Taylor. On the way to Port Hudson via Alexandria, Banks and his army won a victory at the Battle of Fort Bisland.

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper in 1863:

From the 160th Regiment.

The Canandaigua Repository, of this week, publishes a letter from Capt. HENRY MOORE, of the 160th Regiment, dated New Iberia, La., April 26th, 1863. He gives an account of the fighting of the army under Gen. BANKS, from Brashear city to Opelousas, a distance of 110 miles. Capt. MOORE says that during the engagement on Monday afternoon, April 13th, “Co. E lost one of the bravest and best of soldiers, poor Barney McGraw, a piece of shell striking him on the forehead, after which he never uttered a word, but died in a few minutes. He has a brother, a Captain in the 33d N.Y. – Barney was killed just as we had the order to lie down; we were then supporting the 6th Massachusetts Battery.”

Deceased was one of the number recruited in this village last fall, by Lieut. JAMES GRAY.

http://dmna.ny.gov/historic/reghist/civil/rosters/Infantry/160th_Infantry_CW_Roster.pdf

“one of the bravest and best of soldiers”

Here’s how the 160th’s Lieutenant Colonel summarized the operation around Fort Bisland:

This expedition moved from Brasher City up to the mouth of the Atchafalaya, skirmishing with the enemy in its progress. Here the troops were landed, and moving forward soon found the enemy posted in and around some sugar houses. They were dislodged by our artillery, and retreated in the night with considerable loss.
The brigade pursued for several miles, when the enemy was again found in a strongly fortified and entrenched position. A severe artillery engagement ensued, lasting till far into the night, the enemy shooting pieces of railroad iron, old flat irons, spikes and nails. During the night the rebels again “skedaddled,” leaving us masters of the field. They left a great quantity of stores and ammunition and four cannon, which our forces secured.
Lieut. McDonough thus speaks of a loss in his company:
” I learned that one of the boys of my company, who had marched up with such buoyant spirits in the morning, had ‘fought his last battle.’ He laid on his face, and I supposed he had gone to sleep. But he had been struck by a piece of shell on the head, which killed him instantly. His name is BARNARD MCGRAW, brother of Capt. Patrick McGraw, of Seneca Falls, of the 33d N. Y. V. No better or braver soldier fell that day. He was much beloved and his death will be greatly regretted by all who knew him. May the Lord in his tender mercy comfort his widowed mother in her affliction.”

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