“threatening to make inroads”

Portions of the military departments of Virginia, Washington, Middle & the Susquehanna, prepared in the Engineer Department, July 1863. Denis Callahan deltr. (LOC: g3790 cw0047200 http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.gmd/g3790.cw0047200 )

inroads north and west of D.C. again

150 years ago today some Confederate troops entered Pennsylvania as part of the Army of Northern Virginia’s invasion of the Union. It has been written that the federal War Department was ignorant of the exact disposition of the rebel forces, but it was becoming obvious that they were invading the North.

150 years ago today President Lincoln called for more troops to help defend the threatened states. These soldiers would count toward the states’ draft quotas.

From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Six:

CALL FOR 100,000 MILITIA TO SERVE FOR SIX MONTHS, JUNE 15, 1863.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation

statue a. lincoln

Commander-in-Chief needs 100,000 men now!

Whereas the armed insurrectionary combinations now existing in several of the States are threatening to make inroads into the States of Maryland, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, requiring immediately an additional military force for the service of the United States:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of the several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United States 100,000 militia from the States following, namely:

From the State of Maryland, 10,000; from the State of Pennsylvania, 50,000; from the State of Ohio, 30,000; from the State of West Virginia, 10,000—to be mustered into the service of the United States forthwith and to serve for a period of six months from the date of such muster into said service, unless sooner discharged; to be mustered in as infantry, artillery, and cavalry, in proportions which will be made known through the War Department, which Department will also designate the several places of rendezvous. These militia to be organized according to the rules and regulations of the volunteer service and such orders as may hereafter be issued. The States aforesaid will be respectively credited under the enrollment act for the militia services entered under this proclamation. In testimony whereof……………

A. LINCOLN

President Lincoln might have been concerned about the rebel threat to Ohio, but the state’s Democratic Party apparently was not. Its June 1863 convention nominated the exiled Clement Vallandigham for governor. This editorial ridiculed the Ohio convention for holding out an olive branch to the Confederacy.

From The New-York Times June 15, 1863:

A Card of Invitation to the South, with Compliments of the Democracy.

Columbus, O., taken from the blind asylum (Published by Felch and Riches, engravers, [1856 or 1857]; LOC: LC-USZ62-99154)

peaceful Columbus, O. (c.1856)

We must leave it to our readers to imagine what the sensations of our fellow-citizens in the seceded States will be, when they learn that the Democratic Convention of Ohio ” will hail with delight a desire on their part to return to their allegiance,” and that the Convention aforesaid ” will cooperate with them to restore peace.” The joy which this intelligence will diffuse through the Confederacy will be, we need hardly say, as intense as it is pure, for it will, of course, at once put a stop to hostilities, and relieve the South from the pressure of misery and privation under which it has so long labored. The only sad reflection which this happy event is calculated to inspire is the thought that it should not have happened sooner. Nobody who possesses a spark of humanity can avoid deploring the unnatural reticence which led the Democratic party to conceal their real sentiments so long, when the utterance of them was all that was needed to put an end to “this dreadful war.” It is well known that the sole reason for which the Cotton States left the Union was their mistaken notion that nobody at the North wanted them in it, and the citizens in those parts being men of sensitive and retiring dispositions, of course got out of it as fast as possible, and now resolutely persist in staying out, and are fighting in the conviction that the aim of the radicals is simply to cut the throats of all the adult males, and lead the women and children into captivity. Now we cannot help saying that under these circumstances, the Democratic party has been guilty of culpable negligence in not coming forward at the outset, and in a frank and manly way telling JEFFERSON DAVIS and his friends that they would prefer that the South would not leave the Union; and that it was heartily welcome to remain in it as long as it pleased.

It is also well known that nothing of this kind was done. No compromises were offered, no Conventions were proposed, no amendments to the Constitution suggested; the points in dispute between the North and South were not even discussed. …

It has, of course, been perfectly plain ever since that all that was needed to bring them back was for some organized responsible body, such as the Democratic party, to say — Come. Why the Democratic party has not sooner uttered the magic word, we do not know. …

There remains one other thing, which we have the best reason for knowing would be highly acceptable to the South, and which, in fact, reluctant as they will be to mention it, they will doubtless be driven into proposing, unless we kindly anticipate them. Their views on “niggers”, and “free society” are well known. We have at the North, a large number of free negroes, whose presence will always be highly offensive to such Southern gentlemen as may honor us with their company. Ought we not, therefore, to hunt them up at once, and enslave them, either by selling them to private individuals, or committing them to Sing Sing to hard labor for life? It is well known that they are utterly incapable of taking care of themselves, and if let run loose will eventually die. It would be, therefore, an act of charity, as well as of courtesy, to paddle them all soundly, and then dispose of them to the highest bidder. Having done this, common decency, as well as common consistency, requires that we should hang all the leading Abolitionists. We have the authority of several of our shrewdest Democrats, for saying that there never will be peace as long as these men are alive. There is nothing more certain than that their death would diffuse universal hilarity through the South, and it is considered in the very best Southern circles that they have richly merited it. Why should we not, therefore, execute a few of them, and make all writing or speaking about Slavery, except in praise of it, punishable by breaking on the wheel and burning alive? We should then go on prosperously, peacefully, harmoniously, enjoying the respect of all mankind and our own, and have no more war, or taxation, or conscription.

A little sarcasm to reinforce the idea that the war is now not just to save the Union but a war to save the Union and wipe out slavery.

I have no idea how much the Ohioans knew about the invasion at the time of their convention, but they apparently weren’t backing down on their political beliefs.

[09/26/2023]I altered the first paragraph to remove link to Civil War Daily Gazette.
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Peace: Politics and Perceptions

150 years ago there were more and more indications that at least a good chunk of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia was heading north of Mason-Dixon. A Democrat newspaper apparently thought it would be a good idea to postpone any peace meetings that might be convened while the rebels were attacking the Union

From The New-York Times June 15, 1863:

A Peace Meeting in Brooklyn.

A few of the followers of FERNANDO and BEN WOOD are trying hard to get up a “peace meeting” in Brooklyn, after the manner of the one held in New-York, but the organ of the Democracy — the Eagle — throws cold water on the enterprise, and thinks, in view of the prospective rebel raid into the Northern States, they had better postpone it for the presents. The Eagle thinks that, in case the rebels should march, through Pennsylvania to Buffalo, as they propose, if would not look well, while they are waging war in one end of the State, for the Democrats at the other end to hold a peace meeting at Fort Green.

fernando-wood-cartoon (Harper's Weekly June 20, 1863)


THE PEACE-PREACHER AND HIS CLERK.
REV. FERNANDO WOOD. “Peace on Earth, and Good-Will to Rebels.”
MUSCULAR DISCIPLES. “That’s so-o-o!” (Chorus of Oaths.)

The cartoon was published in the June 20, 1863 issue of Harper’s Weekly hosted at Son of the South

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“a rather dismal joke”

From The New-York Times June 13, 1863:

IMAGINARY FEARS.

— One of our neighbors affects great alarm over the “fearful danger of a centralization and consolidation of the Government.” Just at this moment this sounds like a rather dismal joke. With one section of the Union doing everything in its power to destroy the Government, — with half a million of armed men in the field fighting to rend the Union asunder, — with men scattered throughout the North aiding them in the effort, and every foreign hater of free institutions giving them the benefit of moral sympathy and material aid, there would not seem to be any danger of “centralization” fearful enough to alarm the soul of an average patriot. The terrified democracy must have been reduced to a very feeble state, if it is thus affrighted at imaginary dangers. The danger that threatens the country now is disunion not consolidation. The fear is lest we should fall to pieces, — lest the Southern States should break away from the Union, and set the example of successful revolt to other States When that peril shall have been averted we can attend to others; but while it continues to overhang the nation, all others are comparatively insignificant.

In a letter 150 years ago this week President Lincoln provided a thorough justification for his administration’s consolidating and centralizing of federal power: It’s only temporary and entirely constitutional, partly because it’s only temporary. You can read the entire lengthy letter at Project Gutenberg and at Teaching American History. Here are some excepts.

From The Papers And Writings Of Abraham Lincoln, Volume Six:


TO ERASTUS CORNING AND OTHERS.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 12, 1863.

HON. ERASTUS CORNING AND OTHERS.

GENTLEMEN:—Your letter of May 19, inclosing the resolutions of a
public meeting held at Albany, New York, on the 16th of the same month, was received several days ago.

Erastus Corning, Representative from New York, Thirty-fifth Congress, half-length portrait (by Julian Vannerson, 1859; LOC: print : salted paper ; 19.7 x 14.3 cm. Reproduction Number: LC-DIG-ppmsca-26597)

corresponding constitutional concerns

The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolvable into two propositions—first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support the administration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion; and, secondly, a declaration of censure upon the administration for supposed unconstitutional action, such as the making of military arrests. And from the two propositions a third is deduced, which is that the gentlemen composing the meeting are resolved on doing their part to maintain our common government and country, despite the folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any administration. This position is eminently patriotic, and as such I thank the meeting, and congratulate the nation for it. My own purpose is the same; so that the meeting and myself have a common object, and can have no difference, except in the choice of means or measures for effecting that object.

And here I ought to close this paper, and would close it, if there were no apprehension that more injurious consequences than any merely personal to myself might follow the censures systematically cast upon me for doing what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear. The resolutions promise to support me in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion; and I have not knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But the meeting, by their resolutions, assert and argue that certain military arrests, and proceedings following them, for which I am ultimately responsible, are unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolutions quote from the Constitution the definition of treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guarantees therein provided for the citizen on trial for treason, and on his being held to answer for capital or otherwise infamous crimes, and in criminal prosecutions his right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. They proceed to resolve “that these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more especially for his protection in times of civil commotion.” And, apparently to demonstrate the proposition, the resolutions proceed: “They were secured substantially to the English people after years of protracted civil war, and were adopted into our Constitution at the close of the Revolution.” Would not the demonstration have been better if it could have been truly said that these safeguards had been adopted and applied during the civil wars and during our Revolution, instead of after the one and at the close of the other? I too am devotedly for them after civil war, and before Civil war, and at all times, “except when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require” their suspension. …

Prior to my installation here it had been inculcated that any State had a lawful right to secede from the national Union, and that it would be expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect a president to their own liking. I was elected contrary to their liking; and accordingly, so far as it was legally possible, they had taken seven States out of the Union, had seized many of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United States flag, all before I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done any official act whatever. The rebellion thus begun soon ran into the present civil war; and, in certain respects, it began on very unequal terms between the parties. The insurgents had been preparing for it more than thirty years, while the government had taken no steps to resist them. The former had carefully considered all the means which could be turned to their account. It undoubtedly was a well-pondered reliance with them that in their own unrestricted effort to destroy Union, Constitution and law, all together, the government would, in great degree, be restrained by the same Constitution and law from arresting their progress. Their sympathizers invaded all departments of the government and nearly all communities of the people. …

Ours is a case of rebellion—so called by the resolutions before me—in fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion; and the provision of the Constitution that “the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it,” is the provision which specially applies to our present case. This provision plainly attests the understanding of those who made the Constitution that ordinary courts of justice are inadequate to “cases of rebellion”—attests their purpose that, in such cases, men may be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordinary rules, would discharge. Habeas corpus does not discharge men who are proved to be guilty of defined crime, and its suspension is allowed by the Constitution on purpose that men may be arrested and held who can not be proved to be guilty of defined crime, “when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it.”

This is precisely our present case—a case of rebellion wherein the public safety does require the suspension— … Of how little value the constitutional provision I have quoted will be rendered if arrests shall never be made until defined crimes shall have been committed, may be illustrated by a few notable examples: General John C. Breckinridge, General Robert E. Lee, General Joseph E. Johnston, General John B. Magruder, General William B. Preston, General Simon B. Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Buchanan, now occupying the very highest places in the rebel war service, were all within the power of the government since the rebellion began, and were nearly as well known to be traitors then as now. Unquestionably if we had seized and had them the insurgent cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had then committed any crime defined in the law. Every one of them, if arrested, would have been discharged on habeas corpus were the writ allowed to operate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the time not unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few arrests rather than too many. …

3g13901rAbraham Lincoln, head-and-shoulders portrait, facing slightly left, taken in Pittsfield, Illinois, two weeks before the final Lincoln-Douglas debate in Lincoln's unsuccessful bid for the Senate, October 1, 1858 (by Calvin Jackson, 1858 October 1; LOC: LC-USZC4-13901)

protecting the public safety (1858 photo)

And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. While I cannot shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a general rule, the commander in the field is the better judge of the necessity in any particular case. Of course I must practice a general directory and revisory power in the matter. …

… that it will afford me great pleasure to discharge him so soon as I can by any means believe the public safety will not suffer by it.

I further say that, as the war progresses, it appears to me, opinion and action, which were in great confusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have every reason to desire that it should cease altogether, and far from the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the government in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem to be required by the public safety.

A. LINCOLN.

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Hot times at Vicksburg

Historic American Buildings Survey Lester Jones, Photographer. Copy of an old photograph taken during the siege of Vicksburg, 1863 VIEW FROM SOUTHEAST - Wexford Lodge, Vicksburg, Warren County, MS (1863 photo reproduced;HABS MISS,75-VICK.V,3--2)

cave life, ditch life – Vicksburg 1863

The main thing I remember about The How and Why Wonder Book of The Civil War was an image of the caves in Vicksburg that residents lived in to avoid and/or survive the federal shelling of 1863 (I haven’t fact-checked this memory in decades). In this article the Times’ correspondent talks a lot about the Union bombardment but also points out that the Northern troops were having to come to grips again with the intense heat of a Southern summer.

From The New-York Times June 11, 1863:

DETAILS OF THE SIEGE.; The Weather Heat Sinking of the Cincinnati Busy Times at Vicksburgh Admiral Porter Farragut on hand A Fast Day in Vicksburgh.

IN REAR OF VICKSBURGH, Saturday, May 30.

The weather, which for the last month has been as cool as one could expect, has suddenly become as hot as the furnace prepared for the three uncompromising Hebrews. The air is tremulous with heat; the dust-covered leaves droop and wither; thunders go growling and roaring over the sky toward evening, but bring us no rain, only hot lightnings and hypocritical clouds; the nights are stale with polished skies and a bright moon that instead of light glow with and reflect back the heat which the earth has absorbed during the day. Where yesterday there was a green, placid bayou, there is to-day only a natural canal, on whose steep banks lie rotting dogs and unshapely driftwood, and whose bottom is covered here with oozy, bubbling slime, and there with yawning cracks that seem to open down to the centre of the earth.

The symbolic story of tribulation and redemption is represented in this early Christian painting of the biblical story of "The Three Hebrews in the Fiery Furnace". From the Catacombs of Priscilla, Rome, Italy. Late 3rd century / Early 4th century.

Hot as … Nebuchadnezzar’s fiery furnace

Standing upon any one of the higher hills between Ha[y]nes’ Bluff and Vicksburgh, the entire position of our army, its movements and the passage of teams can be correctly guessed at by the spectator, by watching the lines of dust that rise above the ocean of verdure whose leafy swells and hollows stretch away illimitably before him.

The Southern Summer — that Summer with its sweltering heats, its dried-up streams, its nights dripping with unhealthy dews, its dust-malaria, discomforts and death — is upon us.

We are making some progress toward the capture of Vicksburgh, although, just now, operations are so multifarious and extended, that it puzzles one to keep track of them all … [you can keep track of the military maneuvers at Seven Score and Ten, including the sinking of the Union’s Cincinnati on May 27th which the Times’ corespondent mentions in this section]

The eight mortar-boats seem to be doing very efficient service. Within the last two days they have blown up choice magazines in town, and besides causing much other perceptible damage, have kept, the inhabitants in a constant state of alarm and wakefulness. Deserters, of whom there is a continuous stream, inform us that soldiers, citizens and everybody else, live night and day in ditches, outside of which there is not an instant’s security of life. Wednesday was determined upon as a fast-day, with the double purpose, probably, of propitiating Providence and economizing their limited rations. In the evening one of the Pastors, during a full in the firing, got a few of his flock together, and took possession of one of the churches, for the purpose of having a quiet season of prayer and penitence. Scarcely, however were they in full progress are a shell from one of the mortars crashed through the roof beneath which was gathered the secession supplicants, and blew one entire end of the building into a pile of brick, dust and shattered timbers. Of course this interruption put an end to the prayer meeting, and instanter the pious rebels betook themselves to the security of their ditches. To a superstitious mind, the advent of the shell at that particular moment and place might indicate that Providence was not listening with a willing ear to their petitions for the success of treason; but, whatever conclusions; they may derive from this incident, it is more than likely that hereafter their matutinal orisons, as well as their vesper supplications, will not be put forth in places liable to the visitation of our 200, pound shells.

Deserters also state that they have sufficient provisions to sustain life for three weeks by reducing the issue to half and quarter rations. They say that their force consists of from 15,000 to 20,000 men, but that the ceaseless cannonading kept up from our lines has worked them out by keeping them constantly on the alert, and preventing them from sleeping. They continue to hold out under the hope that they may yet receive assistance from beyond Big Black River.

The siege of Vicksburg - Major General U.S. Grant, commanding (by Alfred Edward mathews, Cin[cinnati], O[hio] : Middleton, Strobridge & Co. Lith., c1863.; LOC: LC-DIG-pga-03977)

The Siege of Vicksburg

Yesterday morning the mortars, gunboats and all the batteries on land opened simultaneously soon after daylight, and kept up the fire until each gun had expended fifteen rounds; the whole being devised to annoy the rebels, for which purpose the guns were all shotted, and to celebrate the anniversary of our march into Corinth. Undoubtedly, the rebels derived, far less gratification from the jubilation than we — particularly as their side of the celebration occurred before the muzzles of the guns, while ours took place at the breech — a trifling difference in position which, as I have frequently noticed, makes vast difference in a man’s feelings.

FAR[R]AGUT reached here yesterday with five additional gunboats …

Yesterday, a rebel dispatch bearer came to the headquarters of Gen. GRANT, and gave him a letter which had been intrusted to him by Gen. PEMBERTON, to deliver to Gen. JOHNSTON. The letter informed JOHNSTON that unless within ten days he attacked, GRANT with at least 30,000 men, Vicksburgh would, have to fall. It is thought by some that the whole operation is a ruse on the part of the Confederates but even supposing the letter to be of that character, I do not see what the rebels would gain by it.

Last evening, the anniversary of the taking for Corinth, was again observed along our entire line. [???] do not believe that heavier salutes ever shook the air, than on this occasion, It was an operation whose fullness, resonance and rapidity would have delighted the most fastidious of anniversary observers, and it was, probably, as satisfactory to us as it was annoying and ominous to the rebels. GALWAY.

In addition to the shelling, the Union siege is really putting the pressure on Confederate supplies in Vicksburg – like food. I like GALWAY’s “kill two birds with one stone” comment of the fast day reported by deserters – the “double purpose, probably, of propitiating Providence and economizing their limited rations”

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“intolerance and bigotry”

The South … has never proscribed any man on account of his creed or race

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch June 11, 1863:

The Yankee Know Nothings.

A suggestive item of Yankee news has been published in this paper, which states that the Germans of New York have held a meeting and passed resolutions declaring “the continued abuse of the 11th Army corps, composed of Germans, which stampeded at Chancellorsville, to be chiefly attributed to the feeling of Know Nothingism, which prevails to a great extent in both Northern and Southern States.”

The Germans of the North, like the Irish, are beginning to find out that, at the bottom of their hearts, their Yankee taskmasters have no love for them, but only desire to use them for their own base purposes, and would have no hesitation in making them and other foreigners the victims of their intolerance and bigotry if the South were only out of their way. The ridicule heaped upon the retreating Germans at Chancellorsville is a significant indication of the real estimation which they are held in the North. Why is nothing said of the retreating Yankees? Were the Germans the only soldiers whom the resistless charge of our gallant troops drove from the field? So far from this is the fact, that in that battle, as well as every other Yankee defeat, from Manassas down, the Yankees have run not only faster than the Germans, but than any other people under the sun. The German and Irish troops have been the very best in their service, and if these were once out of the way, the Yankees would never be able to make another fair and square stand-up fight with the Southern Confederacy.

The Germans of New York are quite right in attributing the attack upon their soldiery to the feeling of Know Nothingism in the North; but they do not know what they are talking about when they say that it prevails to a great extent in the South as well as the North. It was the South which gave Know Nothingism its quietus, and, which saved the Germans and Irish from political and religious subjugation. That they should permit themselves to be made the instruments of subjugating their deliverers was both a crime and a blunder, and we trust their eyes will, ere long, be awakened to the fact. The South, which they are invading, has never proscribed any man on account of his creed or race; it has never rode priests on rails, or sacked churches or convents; nor does it intend to permit itself to be visited with impunity with outrages and wrongs from which it has protected others.

In April 1862 General O.O. Howardtook command of the 11th Corps. He had his right arm amputated after being wounded during the June 1862 Battle of Fair Oaks (he would eventually be awarded the Medal of Honor).You can read his account of the disaster at Chancellorsville (written 23 years after the battle) at Civil war Home. In summing up, General Howard could look back and be glad for the Union’s sake that at least Stonewall Jackson was mortally wounded during the battle:

Stonewall Jackson was victorious. Even his enemies praise him; but, providentially for us, it was the last battle that he waged against the American Union. For, in bold planning, in energy of execution, which he had the power to diffuse, in indefatigable activity and moral ascendency, Jackson stood head and shoulders above his confreres, and after his death General Lee could not replace him.

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One of thousands

Edward P. Chapin

Edward P. Chapin led from in front

These two articles appear as one clipping in the Seneca Falls, NY Library notebook of Civil War clippings, and they do have a common theme – the federal efforts to take Vicksburg and Port Hudson, the last two Confederate strongholds on the Mississippi River.

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper in June 1863:

Funeral of Col. Chapin.

The funeral of Col. EDWARD P. CHAPIN, of the 116th N.Y. Volunteers, took place at Waterloo on Saturday of last week, and the ceremonies were of a most imposing character. Forty members of the Buffalo “Tigers,” of which organization deceased was one of the original members, the Union Cornet Band, and Col. Wm. F. Rogers, Lieut. Cols. C.W. Sternberg and H.C. Thomas, and Captain Robert W. Gardner, formerly of the 21st regiment, Lieut. Col. W. G. Seeley, of the 74th regiment N.Y.N.G., all from Buffalo, attended the funeral, the Tigers acting as escort, and the officers named as pall bearers.

Sketch map of the eastern side of the fortifications of Port Hudson Louisiana depicting the 2 PM infantry assault of May 27, 1863.

Chapin’s brigade part of assault on abbatis

The Buffalo papers speak in very complimentary terms of the reception extended to their citizens, by our Waterloo neighbors, “who,” the Express says, “spared no effort generosity could suggest to demonstrate their heartfelt appreciation of the honorable respect their hero townsman had received from his friends and associates in his Buffalo home.”

Col. CHAPIN was killed on the 27th ult. while gallantly leading his men, in the assault against Port Hudson. Peace to the ashes of the brave.

________________________ ___________ _______________________

DEATHS IN GEN. GRANT’s ARMY. – The Dubuque Herald says: “Gen. Grant has lost not less than 20,000 men, killed, wounded and taken prisoner in his assaults upon the fortifications of Vicksburg. Thus 15,000 men defending the post, have, at a loss of not more than 2,000, placed nearly that number hors du combat. The same one sided tragedy is being enacted at Port Hudson. Gen. Banks sustains in an assult [sic] a loss of quite 4,000 at the hands of an opposing force of 12,000. How long does anyone suppose an army can stand such fatal drafts, and what victory possible to be achieved would be commensurate with the cost.

Waterloo, New York native Edward Payson Chapin was a lawyer in Buffalo when the war started. He joined the 44th NY Volunteer Infantry and, as a major, was seriously wounded during the Peninsula Campaign on May 27, 1862 at the Battle of Hanover Court House. He died exactly a year later after having organized the 116th during his convalescence. He was first wounded in the knee and then was mortally wounded by a “Minie ball in the head”.It is written that “Abraham Lincoln is said to have sent Edward’s mourning father Ephraim (a Presbyterian reverend in Waterloo, NY) Chapin’s posthumous commission as Brigadier General, U.S.V. to date May 27, 1863, the day he was killed in action at Port Hudson, LA.” Edward Chapin is indeed buried in Waterloo.

Edward P Chapin

Edward P Chapin

Son of the South reproduces an article on the May 27th battle at Port Hudson from the June 27, 1863 issue of Harper’s Weekly, which includes other instances of heroic Union officers and this image of the assault by General Augur’s division (Chapin’s brigade in Augur’s division):

GRAND ASSAULT OF GENERAL AUGUR'S DIVISION ON THE FORTIFICATIONS OF PORT HUDSON, 27TH  MAY, 1863.-SKETCHED BY MR. J. R. HAMILTON (Harper's Weekly, 6-27-1863)

assault by General Augur’s division at Port Hudson 5-27-1863

The map is licensed by Creative Commons

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Not ’til there’s nothing left to sell

John C. Pemberton (between 1860 and 1890; LOC: LC-USZ62-130838)

‘you’ve got a friend from Pennsylvania’

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch June 6, 1863:

General Pemberton to the army.

–The Mississippian, of Saturday morning, publishes a speech made by Gen. Pemberton, after repulses of the enemy. It is as follows:

You have heard that I was incompetent and a traitor, and that it was my intention to sell Vicksburg. Follow me, and you will see the cost at which I will sell Vicksburg. When the last pound of beef, bacon, and flour; the last grain of corn, the last cow, and hog, and horse, and dog, shall have been consumed, and the last man shall have perished in the trenches — then, and only then, will I sell Vicksburg.

It is said that the tremendous repulse and slaughter of the Yankees at Vicksburg on Sunday was due to a stratagem of Gen. Pemberton, who made a feint of evacuating part of his works, when the enemy rushed in, only to be met with immense slaughter from artillery placed so as to take them with a raking fire-

Born in Philadelphia in 1814, John Clifford Pemberton was a career American army officer who chose to go with the South after the war started:

At the start of the American Civil War in 1861, Pemberton chose to resign his commission in the Union and join the Confederate cause, despite his Northern birth and the fact that his two younger brothers both fought for the Union. He resigned his commission, effective April 29. His decision was due to the influence of his Virginia-born wife and many years of service in the southern states before the war.

Even though Southerners questioned his devotion to the cause, Pemberton remained loyal to the Confederacy for the duration of the war.

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Show Troops?

The Barnum & Bailey Greatest Show on Earth. [Portraits of P.T. Barnum [and] J.A. Bailey ( New York, Cincinnati : Strobridge & Co., Lith., 1897; LOC:  LC-USZC4-921)

He’s looking at you, kids (1897 poster)

We know that Phineas Taylor Barnum was on the lecture circuit early in 1863, but apparently the South has not heard anything of his exploits since the beginning of the war. A Richmond newspaper from 150 years ago surmised the great showman was using discharged Northern soldiers for pro-Union demonstrations.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch June 3, 1863:

Barnum Redivivus.

For nearly two years past we had been wondering at the total eclipse of that great Yankee luminary and representative man, Phine[a]s T. Barnum. That this celebrated man should be absent from the roll of Yankee Major-Generals we could easily understand, the effect of Confederate bullets on the Yankee constitution being thoroughly appreciated by that worthy; but that such a chip of the old Plymouth block should remain at home in inglorious case, whilst the Butlers and the Yankees were achieving elsewhere unfading laurels and cramming their pockets with untold plunder, was something wholly unaccountable. We are indebted to the New York Tribune for a solution of this strange phenomenon. Barnum still lives — his inventive genius yet shines with undiminished lustre; but from an exhibitor of woolly horses and mermaids he has now become the great engineer of the Northern Loyal Leagues and the patent manufacturer of Yankee enthusiasm. In his editorial account of the meeting of the Loyal League at Utica, Greeley thus unconsciously lets the cat out of the bag:

Phineas T. Barnum, half-length portrait, seated, facing right, with Tom Thum (no date recorded on caption card; LOC: LC-USZ62-44525 )

PT and Tom Thumb

“More than one thousand of those in attendance were soldiers, honorably discharged from service on the expiration of their respective terms of enlistment, and now rallying under the flag for which they had braved privation, peri[l], and death, to proclaim their invincible resolve that the Union must be preserved. Of these soldiers, about half went up from this city, on invitation, the expense of their transportation being defrayed by a subscription here, while at Utica the noblest women ministered to their wants with a bounteousness and sapidity which left nothing to desire. Their breakfast, dinner, and supper were good enough for an Emperor; and had they been twice as numerous all would have had enough and to spare. We are sure our soldiers will long cherish a lively and grateful remembrance of the hospitalities of the loyal women of Utica, and that they returned to our city more eager, if possible, than before to serve and save their country. And as the burden of defraying the cost of their trip was generously assumed by Mr. Leonard W. Jerome, we trust others will gladly contribute to divide and lighten it.”

Civil War envelope showing Columbia, eagle, shield, state seal of New York, and banner with message "New York loyal to the Union" (between 1861 and 1865; LOC:  LC-DIG-ppmsca-34646)

loyal envelope

The devoted patriotism which impelled the aforesaid discharged soldiers “to rally again under the flag,” to ride, free of expense, to Utica and back; the reckless daring with which they stormed and carried the successive meals, “fit for an Emperor,” set before them by the “noblest women of Utica,” and the “glorious” feelings with which they sallied forth, forgetful of the disabilities which had procured their discharge from the Yankee service, ready “to serve and save their country,” present to the mind a succession of grand and overpowering images, forming all together a picture of unsupportable moral sublimity. Pity that the effect of the whole should be somewhat marred by the concluding paragraph, in which Leonard W. Jerome, (Barnum, of course,) delicately calls upon an admiring public “to divide and lighten the cost,” there by practically ignoring the fact stated by Greeley just above, that the “expense of their transportation had been defrayed by a subscription here.” The slight discrepancy between these two apostles of freedom, however, being reducible to a mere question of dollars and cents, which may have gone to swell the famous Slievegammon fund of the Tribune philosopher, to the permanent injury of P. T’s pocket, it is not our purpose to endeavor to clear up; but the bold and original expediency of having a lot of discharged soldiers always on hand, ready for shipment, whenever and wherever wanted — this happy conjunction of free dinners and free speech, of beefsteaks and buncombe, is a conception worthy of the genius of the great Connecticut showman, and should secure for him the first vacant seat in Abraham’s Cabinet.

I don’t know why the Dispatch assumes Leonard W. Jerome is Barnum, but it sort of makes sense that he wouldn’t mind if others helped pick up the tab for the veterans’ travel expenses. And P.T. Barnum was pro-Union. According to The Life of Phineas T. Barnum by Joel Benton at Project Gutenberg (Chapter XXXVI), Mr. Barnum had been a life-long Democrat, but “in 1860 his political convictions were changed, and he identified himself with the Republican party.” He was involved in Wide-Awake meetings during the 1860 presidential campaign. After Fort Sumter, ” Barnum was too old for active service in the field, but he sent four substitutes and contributed largely from his means to the support of the Union.”

After First Bull Run, Barnum investigated a peace meeting. The incident presaged, in a way, the use of troops at political meetings:

After Bull Run, July 21st, 1861, “Peace Meetings” began to be held in different parts of the North, and especially in Connecticut. At these meetings it was usual to display a white flag bearing the word “Peace,” above the national flag, and to listen to speeches denunciatory of the war.

One of these meetings was held August 24, 1861, at Stepney, ten miles north of Bridgeport, and Mr. Barnum and Elias Howe, Jr., inventor of the sewing machine needle, agreed to attend and hear for themselves whether the speeches were loyal or not. They communicated their intention to a number of their friends, asking them to go also, and at least twenty accepted the invitation. It was their plan to listen quietly to the harangues, and if they found any opposition to the government or anything calculated to create disaffection in the community, or liable to deter enlistments,—to report the matter to the authorities at Washington and ask that measures be taken to suppress the gatherings.

As the carriages of these gentlemen turned into Main street they discovered two large omnibuses filled with soldiers who were home on a furlough, and who were going to Stepney. The lighter carriages soon outran the omnibuses, and the party arrived at Stepney in time to see the white flag run up above the stars and stripes. They stood quietly in the crowd, while the meeting was organized, and a preacher—Mr. Charles Smith—was invited to open the proceedings with prayer. “The Military and Civil History of Connecticut, during the war of 1861-65,” by W. A. Croffut and John M. Morris, thus continues the account of the meeting:

Elias Howe (1867; LOC:  LC-USZ61-96)

money to burn

“He (Smith) had not, however, progressed far in his supplication, when he slightly opened his eyes, and beheld, to his horror, the Bridgeport omnibuses coming over the hill, garnished with Union banners, and vocal with loyal cheers. This was the signal for a panic; Bull Run, on a small scale was re-enacted. The devout Smith, and the undelivered orators, it is alleged, took refuge in a field of corn. The procession drove straight to the pole unresisted, the hostile crowd parting to let them pass; and a tall man—John Platt—amid some mutterings, climbed the pole, reached the halliards, and the mongrel banners were on the ground. Some of the peace-men, rallying, drew weapons on ‘the invaders,’ and a musket and a revolver were taken from them by soldiers at the very instant of firing. Another of the defenders fired a revolver, and was chased into the fields. Still others, waxing belligerent, were disarmed, and a number of loaded muskets found stored in an adjacent shed were seized. The stars and stripes were hoisted upon the pole, and wildly cheered. P. T. Barnum was then taken on the shoulders of the boys in blue, and put on the platform, where he made a speech full of patriotism, spiced with the humor of the occasion. Captain James E. Dunham also said a few words to the point. * * * * ‘The Star Spangled Banner’ was then sung in chorus, and a series of resolutions passed, declaring that ‘loyal men are the rightful custodians of the peace of Connecticut.’ Elias Howe, Jr., chairman, made his speech, when the crowd threatened to shoot the speakers. ‘If they fire a gun, boys, burn the whole town, and I’ll pay for it!’ After giving the citizens wholesome advice concerning the substituted flag, and their duty to the government, the procession returned to Bridgeport with the white flag trailing in the mud behind an omnibus. * * * * They were received at Bridgeport by approving crowds, and were greeted with continuous cheers as they passed along.”

As a state legislator in 1865 Barnum spoke in favor of a Connecticut state constitutional amendment granting suffrage to negroes:

… I agree with the gentleman that the right of suffrage is “dearly and sacredly cherished by the white man”; and it is because this right is so dear and sacred, that I wish to see it extended to every educated moral man within our State, without regard to color. He tells us that one race is a vessel to honor, and another to dishonor; and that he has seen on ancient Egyptian monuments the negro represented as “a hewer of wood and a drawer of water.” This is doubtless true, and the gentleman seems determined always to KEEP the negro a “vessel of dishonor,” and a “hewer of wood.” We, on the other hand, propose to give him the opportunity of expanding his faculties and elevating himself to true manhood. …

You can read a modern quick bio of Mr. Barnum at The Barnum Museum.

The Loyal Union League meeting in Utica, New York was apparently also controversial in the North based on this rejoinder by a basically pro-Republican newspaper.

From The New-York Times June 1, 1863:

THE UTICA CONVENTION

It is very amusing to observe the vigorous and united attempts of the journals in the Copperhead interest to disparage the Loyal State Convention at Utica The Albany Argus and Atlas teems with paragraphs of all shapes and sizes seeking to prove that it was a failure, that nobody was there, that it was an overwhelming McClellan demonstration, &c, &c. If it was so small an affair, why make so much fuss about it? And if it was a McClellan meeting, why abuse it? This excessive anxiety to belittle it, proves that somebody is hurt.

Civil War envelope showing Union soldier with flag and sword trampling the Confederate flag (between 1861 and 1862; LOC: LC-DIG-ppmsca-34718)

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“the hardest thing I ever saw”

150 years ago today a detachment from the Army of the Potomac crossed the Rappahannock once again to probe Confederate strength on the other side. Members of the 50th New York Engineers tried to build a pontoon bridge as the battle commenced. The Battle of Franklin’s Crossing (or Deep Run Battle) was the first clash in the Gettysburg campaign. It was “a small fight” that had a big impact on at least one member of the 50th NY Engineers (not to mention the killed and wounded).

Ponton [i.e. pontoon] bridges at "Franklins crossing" 2-1/2 miles below Fredericksburg, Va., laid April 29th 1863 - from plain above river bottom Bridges were laid here in Decr. 1862 & in April & June 1862 [i.e. 1863]. (by Andrew J. Russell, 1863 May 2; LOC: LC-DIG-ppmsca-31500)

bridgework at Franklin’s Crossing (photo May 2, 1863)

From a Seneca County, New York newspaper in 1863:

From the 50th Regiment.

CAMP NEAR FALMOUTH,
June 6, 1862[3][1]

DEAR WIFE:

*** As soon as we were paid off, we had orders to go and lay a bridge across the river just below Fredericksburg. The news had come in camp that the Rebs. had left the city, but when we got there we found lots of them. We started with our boats, and as we commenced to unload them, the Rebs. opened fire on us. Our men fired all their cannon at once. They were loaded with grape and cannister, – the shot went in among them like hail, still they kept marching on toward their rifle pits, where they could get out of sight. When they got there, they sent the shot into us. We had eighteen men wounded in our regiment. I don’t think there were any killed, but I am not sure, as there are some missing.

It is hard to see the men fall by your side, when you can’t fire back. Well, they kept up their fire for about two hours. By that time, we had all our boats in the river and commenced crossing. We had landed about one thousand men on the opposite side, and directly they made a charge up the hill, when the Rebs. surrendered and came to them, and we brought them across in the boats. Some of them escaped, but our men were close on their heels. I went across in one of the first boats, and I got on the hill in time to see the Rebs. taken prisoners. I saw a wounded man and went to him; it was a Rebel officer. He was shot just below the heart. He asked me for a drink of water, and I gave it to him. Then he wanted me to hold up his head. I tell you, it was hard to see him. He wanted me to take him across with me. I went and got a stretcher and put him on it, and two men carried him down to the river. We halted there, and he asked me to hold his head up. I did so, – he grasped hold of my hand and shook it, and said, “it is too bad.” He put his hand in his pocket and gave me a book with $160 in it, but an officer came up and took the money away from me. The he raised his head and got hold of my hand, and said, “Sergeant, I am dying.” He shook my hand and fell over dead. That was the hardest thing I ever saw, – he never spoke a word to any one but me, – I couldn’t help thinking of it, and could not sleep last night. Col. Pettis [2] says I was entitled to the money, and that he will get it again. He would like to have seen the man take it from me. Well, it was rebel money, and was good for nothing more than a keepsake. There was a letter in the Rebel officer’s pocket with his name on it. He was a married man and has a little girl; his folks expected him home in a few days, but they will never see him again. I suppose they will feel bad when they hear of it. He was a fine looking fellow. On the field there were some with their arms, some with their legs, shot off, and others shot in every imaginable way. **

Your affectionate husband,

GEORGE.

Here’s a possibility for our letter-writer:

George H. Bellows

George H. Bellows

There is evidence that Military Examination Boards were set up to monitor the competence of Union officers. Perhaps Sergeant Bellows got in a little over his head.

  1. [1]a handwritten 3 on the clipping at the Seneca Falls, NY public library
  2. [2]Col. William H. Pettes
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Norfolk parasol spy

I loved watching The Wild Wild West as a scared youngster. I guess back in the 1800s a parasol could be used for more than clunking U.S. agents over their heads.

From the Richmond Daily Dispatch June 4, 1863:

The arrest of Miss Hozier at Norfolk.

The arrest of Miss Hozier, at Norfolk, with a plan of the fortifications there, and a full statement of the Federal forces and their position, was published yesterday. The young lady lives a few miles this side of Suffolk, and had been to Norfolk on a visit. The Norfolk correspondent of the Philadelphia Inquirer gives some interesting particulars of the arrest:

As she was embarking upon the noon train from here for her home, she was accosted by several members of the Provost guard, who informed her that her presence was immediately needed at the headquarters. She replied that she had been there, and was furnished with a pass to proceed home. This was so; but it was merely a rose by which to entrap other guilty parties. She refused to accompany the guard or leave the car, maintaining that the right to go home had been guaranteed her. The excitement was beginning to run high, when one of the guands reminded her that if she did not comply peaceably she would be taken at all hazards, even if force had to be used. This seemingly cooled the high spirit of the lady, and she yielded, though with apparent reluctance. She was disarmed of her parasol, a most important trophy, which was the silent and positive witness of traitorous persons’ doings. It, with its fair owner, was delivered to the proper authorities.

She underwent a strict examination, and the parasol a strict dissection. Ingeniously concealed in the handle was a long compressed roll of thin paper, upon which was an extremely minute description of our forces, with the exact number at each point, the best modes of entrance and exit, by which certain captured could be made. Localities were marked down, fortifications traced and enumerated. The number of Monitors and gunboats in the locality were spoken of, and it was asserted that; the Union forces at Suffolk would shortly abandon that place and fall back within a short distance of Norfolk. The movement of troops in the vicinity of West Point was given in considerable detail. A drawing of the country accompanied the letter. The roads, streams, &c., were marked with great precision. Everything was mentioned with great accuracy and very minutely. The information would have been of untold value to the rebels, and it seems extremely strange how so much could be obtained so correctly by the abetlors of our enemies.

There are other parties implicated along with Miss Hozier. Two of them have also been arrested. One is Mrs. Webb, an elderly lady, from whose house the document came. The alleged writer is a Mr. Stubbs, and attorney-at-law, and who was, for three years, the Mayor of Norfolk. He is now in custody. The intercepted documents were addressed to the commander of the Confederate forces on the Blackwater. Miss Hozier had been delegated to run them through the blockade, and have them forwarded to him for whom they were intended. The whole was a well-laid scheme. It contemplated a capture of Norfolk, pointing out the ways which it could be done, and giving encouragement to the rebel soldiery to make their appearance at an early day.

The places where Gen. Vi[e]le and Governor Pierpont resided were designated, and it was recommended that a “Morgan raid” he made to carry off the “bogus Governor” of Virginia. A way was given showing how this might be done, but it is unnecessary to unfold it to loyal readers.

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