In the latter part of February 1864 the Pomeroy Circular was an effort to drum up Republican support for Treasury Secretary Salmon P. Chase to replace President Lincoln as the party’s presidential candidate. When the “foreign journals” with the news made their way to the Confederate capital, a Richmond editorial thought that any trouble for Mr. Lincoln might be an “indirect advantage” for the South’s cause.
From the Richmond Daily Dispatch February 29, 1864:
Northern Lights — party movements.
The late foreign journals, from the United States, indicate that the political or party cauldron is beginning to bubble. The spirits around it are as full of diablerie as ever met in an assemblage of evil genial [genies?]. Chase, the Financial Secretary of Lincoln, leads on the black spirits in rebellion against his master. His party is organized, and have just put forth an address, signed by U. S. Senator Pomeroy, “Chairman of the National Executive Committee,” calling on their friends in the country to get ready for the campaign with all possible expedition — This artful address, worthy of the most insinuating and permeating Yankee, accuses Lincoln and his friends with endeavoring, by “party machinery and official influence,” to “forestall the political action of the people,” and thus forcing those who “conscientiously believe that the interests of the country demand a change in favor of vigor and purity and nationality” to enter the field at once, to secure “a fair discussion of free principles.”
This address assumes, 1st, That Mr. Lincoln cannot be elected against the union of forces that will oppose him. 2d. That, should he be re-elected, his temporizing and compromising policy will grow stronger during his second term, while the war will languish and the public debt become unendurable. 3. That the rapid increase and the loose dispensation of the patronage of the Government renders the “application of the one term principle absolutely essential to the safety of our (their) republican institutions.” (!) 4. That in Salmon P. Chase is embodied all the high qualities for President and for the times, and his private character is a guarantee for “economy and purity in the management of public affairs.” And, 5. That developments already made of public sentiment leave no doubt of the election of Chase, if a “systematic and faithful effort” be made by his friends. This impudent address concludes by asking the co-operation in the support of Chase of all who are in “favor of the speedy restoration of the Union upon the basis of universal freedom, and who desire an administration of the Government during the first period of its new life which shall, to the fullest extent, develop the capacity of free institutions, enlarge the resources of the country, distinguish the burdens of taxation, elevate the standard of public and private morality, vindicate the honor of the Republic before the world, and in all things make our American nationality the fairest example for imitation which human progress has ever achieved.” [See the “circular” in another column.]
Thus concludes the address of the party who condemns Lincoln for not being brutal and bloody enough in his war on the South–a party whose compeers for hypocrisy and villainy cannot be found outside of the infernal regions.
Where Seward, the arch fiend, is to range himself in the grand combat of the angels, is not exactly settled. He will likely stand by Abe, if some new phase of the campaign should not open a door to him which does not now excite his hope.
Fremont is, of course, a candidate of the German radicals, the bran bread and socialist color — fraternizing politicians, male and female. He has written a letter assailing Lincoln for injustice to himself and for bad management of the war.
Bennett calls all these parties, including old Abe’s, as “factions!” in its financial article, it gives Chase a side wind by denouncing his financiers, complaining that he has endeavored to sustain the credit of the Government by borrowing and by paper issues, until he is “likely to bring ruin on the country” by the weight of the public debt. It says that this is attracting attention and exciting complaints even among “Republican journals.” It calls for a heavy direct tax as the only thing to save the country from the ruin Chase has nearly brought upon it.
The Herald is of opinion that the only salvation of the country from a “demoralizing, dangerous, and revolutionary scrub race” is for the people to unite upon Grant for President and Dix for Vice President, with Gen. McClellan identified with them as the General-in-Chief of the Federal army! There will be great manÅuvring now for the nomination of the Republican National Convention. Chase has the bulk of the Federal Congress, no doubt, on his side. What effect his new attitude is to have on his relations in the Cabinet and on the movements in Congress, remains to be seen. That it will have its disturbing influences, there can be little doubt.
For the present, the bold and unequivocal position of hostility to Lincoln assumed by Chase and his followers is an interesting feature of the war of the immaculate politicians of Washington. It will lead to other moves on the chess board, and the fight will become exciting. Lincoln has, however, the disadvantage of being encumbered with the war and the administration of affairs while he has a traitor in his Cabinet. Every victory of the rebels, whether under Caesar Finnegan or Gen. Lee, will be a blow to Lincoln in the political campaign at the North. He becomes, indeed, such an object of attack that his whole patronage can hardly strengthen him sufficiently against his foes. The time is too short. Office seekers will look for the most available man, and palter with Lincoln in a double sense. Mr. Lincoln’s troubles are just beginning. Let us hope that the councils of the virtuous Northern Government may not be a little embarrassed by the corrupt intrigues for the Presidency, and that some indirect advantage may ensue to us thereby.
You can read the circular and a “foreign” (The New-York Times) opinion of it at Seven Score and Ten.
As you can read about at Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War, on February 29, 1864 President Lincoln rejected Secretary Chase’s offer to resign.
