Yankee, (You Better) Go Home!

Vice-President and Senator-elect from Kentucky

December 2, 1860. Congressmen from around the United States are accumulating in Washington, D.C. as they await the reconvening of Congress tomorrow, December 3rd. Some southern senators, such as Breckinridge from Kentucky, are speaking words of moderation and conciliation. Congressmen from the Deep South are just as likely to assume secession is a forgone conclusion. All are awaiting President Buchanan’s message on December 4th – the crisis is not abating and the “Old Public Functionary” will be president for three more months.

A correspondent from The New-York Times toured Kentucky, Tennessee, and Georgia after Lincoln’s election and reported on the mood and activities of Southerners who were not politicians.

From The New-York Times December 1, 1860:

SAVANNAH, Ga., Friday, Nov. 23, 1860.

Since my last letter I have passed through most of the Southern States, and can give you, briefly, the results of my observation.

In Kentucky, I believe a great majority of her substantial citizens are in favor of sustaining the Union as it is rather than take part in any movement that would tend to its destruction. They are quite indignant in their denunciation of the acts known as the Personal Liberty bills, which have been passed of late years in many of the Eastern States; but even the passage of this law and the election of LINCOLN does not seem to justify, in their minds, secession. “Let us try him,” said a wealthy old Kentucky planter to me. “He may be a good deal better than we think he is, and he can’t be much worse than the President who is now at the head of the Government.” This last remark struck me as being very sensible, and well worthy the consideration of the most ultra secessionist.

As I passed from Kentucky toward Tennessee, I found by conversing with citizens whom I had the pleasure to meet, that, after all, the election of LINCOLN was not half so serious a consideration to the minds of the planters as were the Personal Liberty bills of the North. The immediate repeal of these bills, they thought, would restore peace and good will among the people of these United States. When applied to for an opinion as to the probable action of the people in the States where this to them objectionable law exists, I did not hesitate to assure them, as I believed, that in a few isolated instances the law might be repealed, but in a majority of the States where it existed, its abolishment was quite as impossible as was that of Slavery, by the people of the Southern States.

On reaching Nashville, I found the cockade fever quite prevalent, but confined to the younger portion of the community — lads of 18 or 20 summers, connected with the Medical College, Military Academy, stores, law offices, few of whom dreamed of or cared for the fatal consequences that must fall upon them, more especially in the event of a dissolution of this Union.

In Nashville, I found the older and more reliable members of society preparing themselves for what they termed a dreaded future. They had been taught to think by the more active workers in the late Presidential campaign, that upon JOHN BELL’s election rested the future permenancy of the Union. They entered the struggle against BRECKINRIDGE and DOUGLAS, with this belief impressed upon their minds. They came out of the battle as victors, but found to their sorrow that even with this triumph they were badly beaten by the “Rail splitter of Illinois.”

In Tennessee business is almost entirely suspended. On the principal thoroughfares of the capital it seemed to my eye as a Sabbath-day. The banks refuse accommodation to all alike; even the “shavers,’ of whom there is legion in Nashville, refuse to cash paper (first-class) at any kind of “shave.” In Memphis I found business about the same, but people much more of the fire-eating order than were those of Nashville. This can be readily, accounted for from the proximity of Memphis to the States of Arkansas, Mississippi and Louisiana.

From Memphis I proceeded via Chattanooga, Tenn., to Atlanta, Ga. I remained here but a brief period; long enough, however, to find that at the depot, hotel, and all the way stations toward Savannah, the Vigilantes and Minute-men had a strong delegation on hand to examine the faces, if not the pockets, of all who passed their way. I reached Macon about 8 o’clock, in the morning. During the night’s travel I had the pleasure of hearing one of a party of three ask a gentleman with whom I had been enjoying a lengthy conversation during the night, “Who is that?” pointing at me. He answered by telling them my name and place of residence — New-York City. One of the other blue cockades thereupon growled out, “There, what did I tell you? I knew he was a d — d Yankee!”

From Macon I passed to Savannah where, I think I found the hot bed of secession. So far as I was personally concerned I have no reason to find fault, but in saying this much I am well assured that I am solely indebted to a handful of noble men residing in Savannah who humanely and manfully watched over my safety.

In conclusion, permit me to impress upon my fellow-citizens of the Northeast and Northwest that, from a careful survey, I am well assured that no citizen not from a slaveholding State, is safe now at the South. The people are to a certain extent mad upon this Slavery question, and the recent election of the Republican nominees. They will neither listen to argument or reason. To learn that you are a citizen or resident of a non-slaveholding State, is to them sufficient grounds for suspicion and for summary punishment.

I enjoyed this story:

1) Proof that Southerners really did refer to Northerners as “d — d Yankees” – even in the Yankee’s presence

2) The business panic is making streets in Tennessee Sabbath Day like; banks and “shavers” are not redeeming paper money.

3) Minute Men and cockades spreading to Tennessee.

4) In Georgia Vigilantes and Minute men are scrutinizing all travelers and visitors.

5) Throughout the South there is still the deep resentment toward the Personal Liberty laws of northern states. Our correspondent nailed the nature of the “irrepressible conflict”:

I did not hesitate to assure them, as I believed, that in a few isolated instances the [Personal liberty] law might be repealed, but in a majority of the States where it existed, its abolishment was quite as impossible as was that of Slavery, by the people of the Southern States.

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